martedì 14 marzo 2017

Is the leadership of the US and the West within the international community coming to an end? And some comments on China's changing role within the international community

Given the difficulties its economy has faced recently and its huge public debt (104.17% at the end of 2015 and predicted to hold steady in 2017-18 and then start rising again*), some commentators argue that the US has now begun an inevitable decline as the dominant superpower, a decline that may soon erode not only its economic position but also impact its military dominance. However, according to other experts the relative decline of US power is at least partially exaggerated and can better be seen as an opportunity for Washington to redefine its strategic commitments, renegotiate alliances with its partners and free up resources to relaunch its economy.(update Q3 2016: 104.80, https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/GFDEGDQ188S)
With the ongoing economic crisis, fragile economic global recovery and the continuing concern of the rating agencies about the effectiveness of the fiscal package agreed in Congress to really reduce the US debt (following the downgrading by the agencies of the economies of several of Washington’s closest EU allies in 2012-13 (and the EU itself in December 2013), the debate between pessimists and more sanguine observers has grown. The former predict a serious and rapid decline in US influence and the advent of a multipolar world strongly influenced by China, while the latter are confident that for the foreseeable future the US will maintain its leadership role in international relations. Moreover, they argue that if we consider the West as a whole, rather than the US alone, then, despite Europe’s enormous economic difficulties, China cannot really hope to achieve dominance in terms of economic and military power. In addition, the world’s principal global institutions are all expressions of the West’s value system and China seems basically to be in the process of joining this system, adapting to it and trying to gain more influence within it, rather than wanting to overturn it or see it collapse as the Soviet Union did.
Moreover, in spite of the economic crisis which has hit the US hard, forecasts of absolute decline seem premature. There are signs that the US economy is at the start of an economic recovery, and the US remains the principal power at the center of the international stage In 2014 China’s GDP in nominal terms was $10.36 trillion was still much less than that of the US ($17.35 nominal), although it was bigger than it in terms of GDP Purchasing Power Parity (China $18.09 trillion, US  $17.35 PPP). The EU was even larger $18.53/18.64).The American economy was still much larger than those of its other closest competitors, India ($2.05/$7.41) and  Japan ($4.60/$4.77) even in PPP terms. US GDP represented about 22% of global nominal GDP in 2014 and 16% of global GDP PPP.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_GDP_%28nominal%29
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_GDP_%28PPP%29
As for military power, the US military budget still represents 36% of total global military spending. Despite recent cuts the US still spends 50% more than China, Britain, France, India, Japan and Russia
combined. Moreover, NATO, the US-led alliance, accounted for more than 52% of global military spending in 2015 (down from 60% in 2013). However, if the military spending of other US allies (e.g. Japan, Australia etc…) is added, this figure rises and suggests that the US easily remains the dominant power.** The US has 38 major military bases around the world compared with 30 for Russia, France and Britain combined (China has one).
http://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20151216006109/en/Growing-Security-Fears-Boost-Defence-Budgets-IHShttp://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/06/us-military-bases-around-the-world-119321
http://www.businessinsider.com/us-military-spending-remains-massive-compared-to-the-rest-of-the-world-2016-4?IR=T
2016 figures show the US military budget still 2.5 to 4 times bigger than that of China before Trump's proposed increases in 2017.
Finally, the US is still the world leader for investment in research, and in the list of the top 20 universities worldwide, between10 and 16 are American according to which list you choose to believe.http://www.topuniversities.com/university-rankings/world-university-rankings/2015#sorting=rank+region=+country=+faculty=+stars=false+search=https://www.timeshighereducation.com/world-university-rankings/2016/world-ranking
http://www.usnews.com/education/best-global-universities/rankings
However, over the last decade, the US share of global GDP (PPP) fell from 23% to 16 %, while China´s share of global GDP PPP increased from 7% to 17% ( however the EU also accounts for 17% of global GDP). At this pace of growth China may overtake US nominal GDP by as early as 2020-5. So, although US strength is evident, its relative decline is real
In fact, at the start of the 21
st century, the country´s reliance on imports, combined with low taxes and the then high cost of borrowing in order to fund the public debt, together with Washington’s soaring military expenditure after 9⁄11 as it expanded its military and counterterrorism operations around the world, inflated its annual budget deficit which  stood at 8.6% of GDP for the 2011 fiscal year. Since then after significant spending cuts it has returned to its historical average relative to the size of the economy (around 3% of GDP) registering 2.7% in Dec 2015.
The annual growth rate of the US economy was 2.3% in 2012, 2.2% in 2013 and 2.4% in 2014 and estimated at 2.4/2.5%% for 2015.
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.ZG
http://knoema.com/qhswwkc/us-gdp-growth-forecast-2015-2019-and-up-to-2060-data-and-charts
http://www.tradingeconomics.com/united-states/gdp-growth-annual/forecast
The US trade deficit for 2012 was -2.8% of GDP (perhaps -2% with China alone), -2.2% in 2013, -2.2% in 2014 and -2.4% in 2015.
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/BN.CAB.XOKA.GD.ZS
On the other hand, GDP PPP
per capita clearly indicates that American citizens are still far richer than their Chinese counterparts (more than 4 times richer).https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_GDP_%28PPP%29_per_capita
Per capita income is a good indicator of how much money governments can generate in taxes for government projects at home and abroad. Furthermore, the Chinese authorities face a series of obstacles that could hamper economic growth at a time (2015) when it is trying to steer the economy away from a model where growth is based on exports to one where domestic consumption will play a much greater role. These problems include a slow-down in its growth rates and the consequences of this both for Chinese companies and workers, growing debt within the Chinese economic system, potential domestic unrest, continuing high levels of savings and relatively low domestic consumption, an ageing population which will become a significant factor in the next 20 years, a still relatively weak health care system and widespread corruption. As China moves to respond to these challenges its labor costs are likely to begin to rise.
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/aug/27/china-small-time-recyclers-down-on-their-luck-amid-stock-market-turmoil
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-05-01/chinese-consumers-cling-to-saving-suppressing-spending
http://www.forbes.com/sites/kenrapoza/2015/05/09/chinas-total-debt-load-now-over-280-of-gdp/#1535393467ab
http://www.economist.com/blogs/freeexchange/2015/03/china-s-local-government-debt
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/feb/06/china-one-child-policy-problems-ageing-population
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2015/08/26/business/china-struggles-control-shift-lower-growth-based-domestic-consumption/#.Vrw4M0DJZdh
http://thediplomat.com/2015/05/chinas-health-care-reforms/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Healthcare_reform_in_China#Recent_changes
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_debt_of_the_United_States
http://useconomy.about.com/od/worldeconomy/p/What-Is-the-US-Debt-to-China.htm
However, China holds very large foreign exchange reserves (although they fell in 2015). It holds about 8 % of the US public, with Japan holding slightly less at 7%. The
U.S. debt to China was $1.2645 trillion, as of November 2015. That's less than in November 2013, when China owned a record $1.317 trillion in Treasury bills, notes and bonds. It gradually lowered its U.S. debt holdings after that to allow its currency, the Yuan, to rise in response to global accusations of manipulation. However, China reversed course in February 2014 and began weakening its currency again. That was because it had pegged the Yuan to the dollar, which rose 25% in 2014 and 2015. China needed to lower the Yuan to remain competitive with other emerging markets, whose currencies were free-floating. It is slowly loosening the Yuan's peg to the dollar and allowing market forces to determine its value since, in the long-term, China would like the Yuan to join the US Dollar as the leading global reserve currency.
Moreover, China is the principal stake-holder in the BRICS’ New Development Bank and the
Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). China is also the main trading partner for Africa and an important investor in Africa (but behind the EU and US), although its investments fell 40% in the first half of 2015 compared with the same period in 2014. It’s imports fell 13% in the 12 months to October 2015.http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/c53e7f68-9844-11e5-9228-87e603d47bdc.html#axzz3zqHD78R2
http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/africa-in-focus/posts/2015/09/03-china-africa-investment-trade-myth-chen-dollar-tang
http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/3/fea83f20-6c2d-11e5-aca9-d87542bf8673.html#axzz3ywkCgv9R
http://qz.com/552412/chinese-investment-in-africa-has-fallen-40-this-year-but-its-not-all-bad-news/
The slow pace of domestic consumption and the high levels of savings represent one of the most striking characteristics of the Chinese economy. While consumer spending still only amounted to 36.5% of GDP in 2014 (compared with more than 68.% in the US and 59.3% in India) investments have reached a level estimated at between 46% of GDP (World Bank for 2014). Along with these massive investments in industrial infrastructure (a good indicator of future competitivity) there has also been a continual rise in property prices in urban, industrial areas with significant social consequences. Moreover, the Chinese government is now having to to try to cope with the rising demand for social services by shifting resources from other kinds of investments to welfare. As mentioned above, another crucial issue looming ahead is that related to its currency, the Yuan, and the rate of exchange on financial markets. In fact, the Chinese authorities have been confronted again with expensive interventions carried out by the People´s Bank of China to keep the exchange rate artificially low and the currency undervalued. If China is eventually forced or chooses to allow the Yuan to really float freely without interventions by the state this may drastically increase the Yuan/Dollar exchange rate, increase the cost of its Chinese goods for buyers in other countries, while at the same time boosting domestic consumption and imports, and thus reduce the Chinese trade surplus.
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NE.GDI.TOTL.ZS
China is rapidly increasing investment in technology, particularly in IT, and education. US companies operating in China have registered very high productivity levels while benefitting from much lower labor costs. However, there are now signs that as labor flows from rural areas begin to slow and demand for skilled workers rises, labor costs in China are now beginning to rise though they obviously remain well below levels in the US and Europe.
The US is not retreating from world affairs, but in the face of economic constraints and its huge debt, resources for defense and foreign policy will inevitably shrink (with cuts in defense spending in 2014) although these are cuts starting from very high levels and with the US holding huge accumulations of existing military assets). This will mean a re-evaluation and reduction in US strategic commitments in some areas in order to continue the ongoing shift of resources towards the Asia-Pacific region. After the fall of the Berlin wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the European continent lost relevance in the eyes of America as the threat level was reduced. However, recent events in Ukraine and growing tension with Russia are forcing a partial review of this policy. Moreover, the US withdrew its last combat troops from Iraq in December 2011 and from Afghanistan in December 2014. (However, the US has not disengaged from the area since it gave its support to the Free Syrian Army in 2012 and began bombing raids against IS in September 2014.)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American-led_intervention_in_Syria
However, this overall shift will allow a growing American presence in the Asia-Pacific region as part of a containment strategy towards China. This policy has been developed through a series of  agreements with those countries which are most affected by the rise of China, its neighbors. The political, economic and strategic relations that the US has created with Japan, South Korea, India, Vietnam, Australia, Indonesia and other countries in the region, over the last 15 years highlights the scale of the encirclement strategy pursued by Washington.  Furthermore, the recent deployment of 2,500 soldiers to Australia, added to the 50,000 US military personnel deployed in South Korea and Japan shows how the containment strategy is moving forward. China is aware of the policy being carried out by the US and clearly sees it as an attempt to undermine its influence in the region. Tensions over developments regarding Taiwan are also indicative of the frictions which are perhaps inevitable as a rapidly growing regional power challenges a global power whose resources, while vast, are now limited. If China continues to grow at current rates but fails to democratize and develop towards the Western model then a strengthening of security ties between China’s neighbors, many of which are democratic states is a likely response to safeguard independence and shared values.
More importantly, the combined economic resources (in terms of GDP) and military resources of the West (NATO in its narrowest sense, perhaps the OECD in its widest sense) as a whole is and will remain far beyond the capacity of China to challenge. US military spending alone is 3 times that of China (2015). Certainly China’s power and influence is going to grow both regionally and globally, perhaps in partnership with Russia at the UN and through the BRICS group. However, there is a more likely scenario than confrontation. China is a major stakeholder in the international liberal order, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, an important WTO and IMF member, and, above all, as a state holding vast foreign currency reserves (e.g. US Treasury bonds) estimated at more than 1.25 trillion dollars, and one which also has growing overseas investments (estimated to reach $1-2 trillion by 2020). So even though China may continue to stand on its sovereignty and use nationalist rhetoric that defines international comment (on issues such as human rights in China, the lack of democracy and the situation in Tibet) as interference in its domestic affairs, it is probable that its stake in the existing global order will continue to grow and that it will thus have good reason to adopt a policy of accommodation and cooperation rather than one of confrontation.
In the end perhaps it is the definition of what we mean by ‘West’ that is of paramount importance in today’s world. Once that meant Europe and North America, plus countries like Australia and New Zealand. It would be difficult today not to include Japan. And then there is the OECD. More importantly, it is the core liberal democratic values enshrined in the main global institutions from the UN down which best define the West. These are values which many countries (Brazil, India, but many more in Latin America and Africa and Southern Asia) and not only the richer, developed ones but developing ones too, have invested in, or are investing in, and which increasingly represent the normative political expectations (how things should be) for ordinary people all over the world. The wave of democratization since the 1990s and at least part of the political hopes expressed in the early days of the Arab Spring suggest that the West in this sense is very much alive and flourishing, with or without US leadership. And a ‘West’ which is global and multipolar, rather than simply a US-led NATO, may be a very positive evolution. Strangely, al-Qaeda and Islamic State, in describing the UN and other international agencies as agents of Western cultural imperialism may simply be acknowledging the extent to which once Western values are now becoming universal.
Those who doubt the attraction of the West’s cultural model should perhaps pay more attention to the vast number of migrants and refugees for most of whom the West remains the preferred destination in terms of their hopes for prosperity, security and freedom.
Note – the West in modern English is not normally used as a synonym for European colonialism (I think this is mainly because European colonialism – often based on slavery and doctrines of racial superiority – is now seen as something clearly in contrast with many basic Western values) . It is mainly used in international relations to refer to those countries evolving towards liberal democracy and a free (today usually mixed) market economy, from the late 18
th century, through the 19th century and up to 1945. Since the end of the Second World War it has been used to describe first NATO and other allies outside NATO (like Australia) and then gradually to include all those countries which generally embrace Western values.
See also on this site:
What role will the BRICS countries play in international affairs?
 
http://www.ituassu.com.br/china_ikenberry_fa.pdf
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.CD
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.PP.CD
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_projected_GDP_%28PPP%29_estimates
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_GDP_%28PPP%29_per_capita
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_GDP_%28nominal%29
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_GDP_%28PPP%29
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_military_expenditures
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_debt_of_the_United_States
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_the_United_States
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_public_debt
http://www.ihavenet.com/World-United-States-The-Wisdom-of-Retrenchment-America-Must-Cut-Back-to-Move-Forward-Foreign-Affairs.html
http://blogs.reuters.com/bernddebusmann/2011/03/11/a-final-goodbye-to-superpower-america/
http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2011/dec/21/fitch-theatens-credit-dowgrade-usa
http://money.usnews.com/money/business-economy/articles/2011/07/22/meet-3-ratings-agencies-that-have-already-downgraded-the-us http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/sandp-considering-first-downgrade-of-us-credit-rating/2011/08/05/gIQAqKeIxI_story.html
http://www.ogilvy.com/News/Press-Releases/May-2011-Asia-Society-Study-on-Chinese-Direct-Investment-Abroad.aspx
http://europe.chinadaily.com.cn/epaper/2011-05/06/content_12457731.htm http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/25f1c500-ff14-11e0-9b2f-00144feabdc0.html#axzz1qdKaAFo0
http://www.globalissues.org/article/75/world-military-spending
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_GDP_%28nominal%29
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_GDP_%28PPP%29
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/10/07/china-manufacturing_n_1000305.html
http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/us/politics/debt-reckoning.html
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_gross_fixed_investment_as_percentage_of_GDP
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NE.CON.PETC.ZS
https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2012/wp12277.pdf
https://www.bondvigilantes.com/blog/2014/01/24/chinas-investmentgdp-ratio-soars-to-a-totally-unsustainable-54-4-be-afraid/
http://www.weforum.org/news/global-economy-2013-fragile-and-timid-recovery
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_future_GDP_%28PPP%29_estimates
Where the Action is: America’s Pacific Shift, Edoardo Febbrazzani, Longitude February 2012
Superpower by Default, Alessandro Merola, February 2012
* On January 26, 2016, the debt held by the public was $13.62 trillion or about 75% of the previous 12 months of GDP.
Intragovernmental holdings stood at $5.34 trillion, giving a combined total gross national debt of $18.96 trillion or about 104% of the previous 12 months of GDP. $6.2 trillion or approximately 47% of the debt held by the public was owned by foreign investors, the largest of which were the People's Republic of China and Japan at about $1.3 trillion each for the two countries as of November 2015Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_debt_of_the_United_States
http://www.treasurydirect.gov/NP/debt/current
http://www.tradingeconomics.com/united-states/government-debt-to-gdp
Washington’s fiscal position is even more alarming if viewed as an ongoing trend. Over the last few years, the US public debt as a percentage of GDP rose rapidly, from 56.4% in 2001 to 100.8% in 2012, 100.9% in 2013 and 103.2% in 2014. As indicated before, it then fell to 100.5 as of Q3, 2015 but is forecast to start rising again after a 2-year period of relative stability)
.Update Q3 2016: 104.80%,
https://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/GFDEGDQ188S
https://www.cbo.gov/publication/49892
US current account deficit was 2.7% of GDP in Dec 2015
http://www.bea.gov/newsreleases/international/transactions/transnewsrelease.htm
from 2.4% in 2014
http://www.tradingeconomics.com/united-states/current-account-to-gdp
For US public debt and annual deficit, see also:
http://www.usgovernmentspending.com/federal_deficit_chart.html
For China’s spending on household consumption see:
http://www.tradingeconomics.com/china/household-final-consumption-expenditure-etc-percent-of-gdp-wb-data.html
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NE.CON.PETC.ZS
http://www.cnbc.com/id/100774903
http://www.tradingeconomics.com/china/consumer-spending
For the debate on the accuracy of these figures, see:
http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/01/22/china-economy-consumption-idUSL3N0KW33X20140122
** In 2015, the most recent year for which complete data is available, global defence spending was $1.65 trillion in 2015 according to
IHS Jane’s Defence Budgets Annual Report. The U.S. defence budget was $595.3 billion (36% of global spending). This compares with China’s defence budget of $191 billion and Russia’s of $54.1billion. Other US allies: Japan’s defence budget was $49.3 billion. The UK’s was 66.5 billion, France’s 56.4 billion, Germany’s 43.8 billion, South Korea’s was 35.7 billion, Australia’s 34.3 billion, Italy’s 29.0 billion and Canada’s 17.1 billion. Other significant defence budget’s were: India’s 49.7 billion, Saudi Arabia’s 46.3 billion, Brazil’s 30.7 billion and Turkey’s 15.9 billion (a NATO ally).So in 2015 the US spent three times more than China, 10 times more than Russia (in 2012 the US spent 27 times more than Iran and 33 times more than Israel). Though China is often cited as the country’s next great military adversary, U.S. military spending is currently larger than the next nine countries together. NATO represents more than 52% of global spending (871.0 billion). NATO together with other long-term US allies, such as Japan, South Korea and Australia represent over 60% of global spending. With the fall in the price of oil, Saudi Arabia, the Gulf states and other oil-rich nations are expected to reduce some of their military spending.http://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20151216006109/en/Growing-Security-Fears-Boost-Defence-Budgets-IHS
Economies and GDP
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_the_United_States
How is the relationship between China and the West developing?
A few aspects of China’s changing role in international relations (with thanks to Luigi!)
Signs of a trend towards stronger cooperation
That China is starting to get more involved in international relations is demonstrated by various diplomatic initiatives launched by the Chinese government in the economic field. First of all, China joined the a project aimed at establishing a free trade zone with various Asian-Pacific countries, namely the Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP). The goal is to increase its exports in the Asia-Pacific area in order to boost its economic growth and forecasts suggest that this initiative could lead to an increase in China’s GDP of one percentage point. This initiative could be seen as an attempt to counter the Trans-Pacific Partnership initiative, backed by the US and Japan and signed on 4th Feb 2016, but China has publicly backed the Trans-Pacific Partnership showing itself to be a promoter of free trade agreements. Simultaneously, China is carrying out a diplomatic initiative in Central Asia with the goal of reestablishing the old “Silk Road”. This initiative has led to wider cooperation with many countries, such as Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Kyrgyzstan, aimed at creating a safe-area for international trade and at ensuring gas and oil supplies to China, which are extremely important to China’s industrial production. This initiative has also led to competition between China and the EU for influence in the region and for gas and oil supplies. However, this competition may actually lead to cooperation between China and the EU in Central Asia, in terms of building new pipelines, which could have both Europe and China as final delivery points.
As China has become more involved in the international community from an economic point of view, political cooperation has followed. A good example is China’s participation in various military missions carried out by the United Nations (UN). In fact, China is currently involved in the peacekeeping operation in Mali and in the UN mission in Lebanon. Above all, China’s navy is actively participating in the anti-piracy mission of the UN in the Gulf of Aden. Basically the expansion of China’s economic interests around the world has led to growing political awareness among the Chinese leadership of the need to protect those interests and engage on international issues, especially those closely related to international security. This has resulted in China playing a more active role within the international community. This trend culminated with the agreement signed with Djibouti concerning the creation of China’s first real military base abroad in order to secure trade between China and Africa. China’s concerns about international security, aggravated by the participation of Uyghurs in the campaign waged by the self-proclaimed Islamic State, could be an opportunity for Western countries to persuade China to take on an increasingly active role in sharing some of the international community’s responsibilities, especially in the security domain. However, in the Middle East region, China has taken a carefully balanced position in the dispute between Sunni and Shia Muslims and between their main sponsors, namely Saudi Arabia and Iran. In fact, the recent publication of China’s Arab Policy Paper shows that the China wants to adopt a global approach to the Islamic world without taking sides. Such a policy will makes it possible for China to deal with both Saudi Arabia and Iran to obtain from both parties an agreement on oil supplies agreement, which is fundamental for China’s economic growth. It also explains China’s willingness to act as a mediator between the US and Iran (which resulted in the 5+1 Nuclear Agreement with Iran and in the lifting of economic sanctions) and in the Syrian civil war.
Potential areas of disagreement between China and the West
As mentioned above China’s neighbours are worried about its expansionist ambitions in the East Asian area e.g. the dispute over the Senkaku Islands, located in the South China Sea and claimed by both China and Japan.
China is the world’s biggest polluter in terms of CO2 emissions. Although China took part in a series of international conferences and welcomed the agreement at the Climate Conference, CoP21 in Paris in December 2015, many countries remain doubtful about China’s real commitment to making real changes given that the agreement is not binding in any practical way.
China’s domestic human rights record, including the use of the death penalty and repression of political and religious opposition leaders, critics and dissidents and discrimination against minorities (e.g. Tibetans and Uyghurs.





lunedì 13 marzo 2017

Opportunities and challenges: economic, social, and political impacts of climate change in the Arctic

What is the role of culture in diplomacy?

This question can be interpreted to include at least the following six ideas:
1) Samuel Huntington’s argument that international relations depend on the division of the world into cultural areas. He argued that people's cultural and religious identities would be the primary source of conflict in the post-Cold War world and that intervention in other cultural areas should usually be avoided as it is likely to be misunderstood and lead to unpredictable results.
People have levels of identity: a resident of Rome may define himself with varying degrees of intensity as a Roman, an Italian, a Catholic, a Christian, a European, a Westerner. The civilization to which he belongs is the broadest level of identification with which he intensely identifies. People can and do redefine their identities and, as a result, the composition and boundaries of civilizations change. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/1993-06-01/clash-civilizations

2) Cultural differences in terms of the ideas contained in the material I will give you in class. These are all elements that the diplomat must be aware of and pay particular attention to, especially in relations to non-diplomats (see below at the end of this section). Compare and contrast attitudes among the North Americans, Japanese, Italians, Chinese, South Americans, Germans, Arabs, and other countries, geographical areas or cultures as appropriate, to some or all of the following ideas: eye contact, making friends and establishing a relationship before negotiating, choosing the right kind of venue for a meeting, addressing the right person, punctuality, gift-giving, turn-taking and interruptions, hand-shaking and bowing, stance and distance, body language, linguistic register and forms of address, dress codes, linguistic signaling, the appropriateness or inappropriateness of talking business during a meal, norms for recording what has been said and organizing follow-ups to meetings. Put all these in a logical order e.g. pre-meeting, start of meeting, during meeting, end of meeting, post-meeting.
Of course no particular culture has a ‘better’ or ‘more correct’ approach to maintaining diplomatic relations and negotiating, although there are norms considered appropriate in the UN context. It is simply a problem of social norms and expectations and diplomats therefore need to adapt their approach to their counterpart. This is important, firstly, as a simple act of politeness in order to put one’s counterpart at ease and as a way to maintain a good working relationship. This will be very important for diplomats stationed abroad where the onus is on them to conform, at least to an acceptable extent, to the host country’s norms. Secondly, it will be of crucial importance when diplomats are involved in a negotiation that is particularly important to their country and which really needs to succeed. So awareness-raising in this area is a necessary part of a diplomat’s training and development. The following provide some ideas on cross-cultural negotiations in business and diplomacy
Of course, one can also argue that professional diplomats themselves form their own culture, a group of people particularly skilled at not being offended or confused or unable to respond appropriately to unfamiliar customs, social norms or behavior, a group that considers the maintenance of good relations a primary goal beyond its own cultural expectations and makes a positive effort to be informed about and respect the norms of other cultures ( in particular those of the host country).
3) International conventions to protect minority cultures e.g. the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the UN Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions and cultural heritage e.g. The Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage and the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage
The EU Framework Convention on the Value of Cultural Heritage for Society
4) The role of the diplomat (particularly the cultural attaché) in promoting his own country’s culture in terms of art or scientific exhibitions, cultural events of various other kinds (e.g. Italian food, cooking or music), relations with local Italian emigrant associations in the host country, language courses, information regarding tourism or where to find tourist information, and sports events in the host country involving Italy or ones in Italy that will involve a team from the host country. All of these are seen as vehicles for promoting a positive image of the country and overcoming negative stereotypes of the nation, thus building good relations with the host country, through a continuous public relations exercise, and gaining more influence and ‘soft power’. The diplomat himself is expected to behave in a way which will make him a credit to his country and give foreigners a good impression. All of this is described as Cultural Diplomacy (see below #) and is something that potentially relates to all fields, and thus involves all a state’s actors and all those who can be seen as representing the country in some way, in the public sector, the private sector (e.g. businessmen) and as individuals, as cultural representatives (diplomats in the widest sense). This is something that will affect efforts to improve relations with other states and foreign public opinion, promote national interests and enhance cooperation by embracing cultural diversity and by trying to build bridges and overcome barriers where there are significant differences.

5)      Multiculturalism – We should see multiculturalism as a growing reality of modern European life, and the need for multiculturalism as a positive and necessary force to bridge ethnic, religious and national divisions and tensions within society and between states. In this sense the EU is one vast attempt at multiculturalism aimed at overcoming the divisions of the past that led to two world wars, and providing a common home (with a secular constitution, guaranteeing equality, respect and basic rights for all) for Europeans and migrant workers of many different ethnic, religious and national backgrounds. In purely European terms it has been remarkably successful. This is balanced with EU initiatives to protect the rights of minority cultures and linguistic groups e.g. The European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML) of 1992.
This idea is closely linked to the project for European citizenship and the goal of strengthening European identity. European identity itself, however – the sense of belonging to something bigger than the nation – goes far beyond the question of whether Europeans like or dislike the European Union institutions. As well as sharing a common cultural history, since the end of World War II many factors have led Europeans to develop a common bond. Among these are common democratic and social values, greater contact through travel and study (e.g. the Erasmus program but also cheap foreign holidays), closer economic and cultural ties and shared prosperity. While it would be inaccurate to see most of these developments as the product of the EU, the EU has been a constant supporter and beneficiary of this process. However, against a background of economic stagnation (the loss of the promise of ever-greater prosperity) growing tensions in Europe over immigrants and immigration (focused mainly on non-EU citizens and perhaps due mainly to the recession), and fears about the rise of homegrown terrorism, concerns have been raised about how far and how fast the multicultural project can go. However, any decline in the popularity of the EU institutions and the rise of nationalist parties cannot be automatically read as a rejection of the idea of European identity in itself.

See also ‘Homegrown Islamic Terrorism’ on this blog 19 Nov 2015

6) Cultural Diplomacy

Definition
Italian Cultural Diplomacy
good examples of events and exhibitions:

International Intervention for Humanitarian Purposes

in particular: Three Pillars of the Responsibility to Protect

Pillar I: The protection responsibilities of the state. This stresses that states have the primary responsibility to protect their populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity.
Pillar II: International assistance and capacity-building. This addresses the international community's commitment to help states build capacity to protect their populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, and to help those under stress before crises and conflicts break out.
Pillar III: Timely and decisive response. This focuses on the responsibility of international community to act in a timely and decisive way to prevent and halt genocide, ethnic cleansing, war crimes, and crimes against humanity when a state manifestly fails to protect its population.
and
The ICISS (International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty) argued that any form of military intervention is "an exceptional and extraordinary measure", and, as such, to be justified it must meet certain criteria, including:
  • Just cause: There must be "serious and irreparable harm occurring to human beings, or imminently likely to occur".
  • Right intention: The main intention of the military action must be to prevent human suffering.
  • Last resort: Every other measure besides military invention has to have already been taken into account. (This does not mean that every measurement has to have been applied and been shown to fail, but that there are reasonable grounds to believe that only military action would work in that situation.)
  • Proportional means: The military means must not exceed what is necessary "to secure the defined human protection objective".
  • Reasonable prospects: The chance of success must be reasonably high, and it must be unlikely that the consequences of the military intervention would be worse than the consequences without the intervention.
  • Right authority: The military action has to have been authorized by the Security Council.
Various experts have highlighted some of the problems that military intervention for humanitarian purposes may involve:
The mixed-motives problem - The legitimacy of R2P rests upon its altruistic aim. However, states will often be wary to engage in humanitarian intervention unless the intervention is partly rooted in self-interest. The appearance that the intervention is not strictly altruistic consequently leads some to question its legitimacy.
  • The counterfactual problem - When R2P is successful, there will not be any clear-cut evidence of its success: a mass atrocity that did not occur but would have occurred without intervention. Defenders of R2P consequently have to rely on counterfactual arguments.
  • The conspicuous harm problem - While the benefits of the intervention will not be clearly visible, the destructiveness and costs of the intervention will be visible. This makes it more difficult for proponents of the intervention to defend the intervention. The destruction caused by the intervention also makes some question the legitimacy of the intervention due to the stated purpose of preventing harm.
  • The end-state problem - Humanitarian intervention is prone to expand the mission beyond simply averting mass atrocities. When successful at averting mass atrocities, the intervenors will often be forced to take upon themselves more expansive mandates to ensure that threatened populations will be safe after the intervenors leave.
  • The inconsistency problem - Due to the aforementioned problems, in addition to the belief that a particular military action is likely to cause more harm than good, states may fail to act in situations where mass atrocities loom. The failure to intervene in any and all situations where there is a risk of mass atrocities lead to charges of inconsistency.
See also praise and criticism of R2P
So in any discussion about using military force as part of an attempt at humanitarian intervention in order to prevent genocide and human rights abuses, there are a series of issues to be examined. First, there is the question of legitimacy. Is what is happening sufficient cause to infringe a state's sovereignty under Pillar III? Is there a clear mandate from the UN Security Council? If there is not, should countries act without it if there is widespread support in the UN General Assembly? Then there is the bigger question of effectiveness. Do such missions usually achieve their basic goal of bringing peace and stability and ending the violence, or do they lead to more violence? Is the mission welcomed by the local people involved? (Compare for example: Somalia UNOSOM I and II 1992-5, Afghanistan ISAF 2001-present, and Libya military intervention 2011) Moreover, would the funds used for such a mission be better spent elsewhere as direct aid on a more concrete problem? (e.g. on providing food, water, medicine and shelter to an area not requiring a military presence). There is another important consideration that is often raised. Many experts argue that since the foundation of the UN humanitarian, intervention has always been 'politicized'. What exactly the international community should do in response to the situation in Syria, for example, cannot be debated 'neutrally', simply as a humanitarian crisis. Each member state on the UNSC and inthe UNGA will inevitably bring to the discussion its own economic and strategic interests, and its own cultural or ideological perspective. In international relations this is the normal context in which a diplomatic discussion of a question like that of Syria takes place.
In order to respond to a question like:
What are the main factors to be weighed when the international community is considering military intervention in response to a humanitarian crisis?
you will probably need to look at these sources again and think about the points raised (concerning the idea that for the international community there is a responsibility to protect civilians from massive human rights abuses by their own government which may override the principle of state sovereignty) in relation to past and present humanitarian crises and intervention or non-intervention by the international community:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Responsibility_to_protect
You should also look at an article in Foreign Affairs, July/August 2014, by Erica Cheneweth and Maria J. Stephan called: Drop Your weapons
This argues against armed resistance and for civil resistance on a statistical basis, claiming that the latter is more likely to produce positive change. It is then argued that this means there is a greater responsibility for the international community to ‘assist’ (civil protest and civil resistance against a dictatorship) rather than to embrace the responsibility to protect principle.
For a wider discussion of this and related issues, see:

https://www.dartmouth.edu/~benv/files/Valentino%20-%20True%20Costs%20of%20Humanitarian%20Intervention.pdf
Libya
https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/middle-east-and-north-africa/libya/report-libya/
Syria
https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/middle-east-and-north-africa/syria/report-syria/

CAR
https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/in-theory/wp/2016/02/18/how-the-international-community-failed-the-central-african-republic/?utm_term=.08f891c56e29

South Sudan
http://kenan.ethics.duke.edu/humanrights/snowball/the-failure-of-un-intervention-in-south-sudan/
Somalia
Rwanda
Afghanistan

Important conclusion:

martedì 7 marzo 2017

Preselection test practice (in case you can't find it)

Texts for rapid reading comprehension


plus anything else you find by doing a search on google for:

'C1 texts for multiple choice reading comprehension' or something similar

and chose this:


International Current Affairs quizzes


plus anything else you find by doing a search on google for:

'international relations quiz'

or try adding a topic or institution. For example:
'international relations middle east quiz' gave me:
or geography? 'European geography quiz' gave me:
or history? 'Modern European history' quiz gave me this:
which gave these:

domenica 5 marzo 2017

Global Military Expenditure

source: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI): the independent resource on global security.