venerdì 21 aprile 2017

How should the international community respond to the challenges posed by a spread of nuclear technology?

What follows is not an essay plan but notes with information and ideas that might be useful in working out an essay plan.
Introduction – this title concerns two separate but connected topics, nuclear armaments and the development of nuclear power for peaceful purposes. It is also related to the dangers posed by other Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMDs). 
Nuclear arms –  some information
There are currently 9 nuclear powers – the US (since 1945), the Russian Federation (1949), the UK (1952), France (1960), China (1964), Israel (1967?) , which now also has a submarine with nuclear arms and thus a second strike capability (2003), India (1974), Pakistan (declared 1998, probably developed from the 1970s), North Korea (2003). Apartheid South Africa had them and then eliminated them (1982-94). Canada deploys US missiles but has no independent control of them. Belarus, Kazakhstan and Ukraine had them after the break-up of the Soviet Union but returned them to the Russians almost immediately.
The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (1968) came into force in 1970. There was also the Partial Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (1963) and the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (1998)
There are treaties concerning other potential Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMDs) include the banning of Chemical weapons (1992), Biological weapons (1971) and Weapons in Outer Space (1967).
The Vienna-based International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is responsible for monitoring the development of nuclear power for peaceful purposes (the production of energy for domestic and industrial consumption) and ensuring that nuclear materials and equipment are safe and not diverted from legitimate peaceful purposes to military purposes. (There is a similar Agency in the Hague for chemical products and the potential for producing chemical weapons.) The dispute, sanctions and recent deal between the UN and Iran (and the continuing doubts and criticism of the deal) demonstrate the difficulty of this task.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iran_nuclear_deal_framework
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/18/opinion/a-safer-world-thanks-to-the-iran-deal.html
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/17/world/middleeast/iran-sanctions-lifted-nuclear-deal.html
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/middleeast/iran/
Nuclear weapons
They are clearly expensive to built, maintain and update. Are they dangerous? Weapons that are likely to be used? Probably not in terms of whether states really intend to use them one day. However, there is always the danger of an accident due to a technological or human error, and the threat of a decision taken by a madman. There is, in the case of India and Pakistan (as in the similar but slightly different case of the US and USSR during the Cuban crisis), the danger of escalation from a conventional conflict to a nuclear war in the Kashmir region. Moreover, poorer countries may spend too little on maintenance and security systems (e.g. the 2-key launch system, and Russia during and after the collapse of the Warsaw Pact and Soviet Union, 1989-91). However, an attack by a nuclear power on another nuclear power, or the ally of a nuclear power, would be suicidal (the Mad Doctrine of the Cold War). For example, an attack by a future Iran hypothetically in possession of nuclear weapons could destroy Israel but Israel would retaliate and destroy Iran. An attack on a non-nuclear power would lead to international isolation, if not a coordinated counter-attack from the global community or other nuclear powers (e.g. North Korea on South Korea). So the real danger may be that nuclear weapons or materials could fall into the hands of terrorists or be targeted by terrorist attacks (in Pakistan, for instance).
http://www.nci.org/nci-nt.htm
There is also the question of what would happen to the nuclear weapons in the event of a civil war in a state which has nuclear arms. This is a real danger in Pakistan and was one of the major international concerns during the break-up of the Soviet Union. The development of nuclear weapons is also related to the development of nuclear delivery systems (planes, short-range, long-range and intercontinental ballistic missiles – ICBMs) and the international community is involved in monitoring this situation, particularly regarding developments in this sector in Iran and North Korea.
Arguments in favour of keeping nuclear arms (the Devil’s advocate!)
(1)   They, more than the UN, have prevented a Third World War for more than 65 years. There have been many conflicts, but none of them have been global. Without nuclear arms the US and USSR might have gone to war at some point. Their elimination might actually lead to more wars and make a general global conflict more likely. They have only been used once, by the US on Japan, to end a war, not to start one. This is a strong argument.
(2)   No conventional war since 1945 has ever escalated into a nuclear war.
(3)   Reductions in or the elimination of these weapons must be coordinated with reductions in other types of  WMDs, or countries will invest in those alternative weapons and the real danger to the world may be increased, e.g. a race to develop and build biological weapons.
(4)   If major powers reduce the number of nuclear weapons they have then they will probably massively increase their spending on conventional weapons to compensate for this. World War I demonstrated that a build-up of conventional weapons can lead to growing tensions and war.
(5)   Nuclear weapons guarantee a country against invasion. So far this has been true.
(6)   Nuclear weapons guarantee a country and a country’s allies against attack. This is not true. Argentina invaded the Falklands, confident that Britain would not respond with nuclear weapons. North Vietnam and the Viet Cong defeated the South Vietnamese government and US forces. Afghan rebels fought and defeated the Russians and the Russian-backed Afghan government. They were not intimidated by the strength of the US and USSR as nuclear powers.
(7)   Nuclear weapons can be effectively used to threaten a non-nuclear country. This does not really seem to be true. Only North Korea has tried to use this tactic, against South Korea, and largely without success. The US, the USSR (Russia today), France, Britain, China, India, Pakistan –  none of them has ever done this. Israel does not admit publicly that it has nuclear weapons and has fought a series of conventional wars with its neighbours. It has never threatened the use of nuclear weapons. It has threatened conventional bombing of Iranian nuclear research and development sites if the Iranians continue with their program.
(8)   Prestige  – This is a much-quoted but possibly mistaken idea. A country or government may, of course, believe that it will acquire status and prestige by developing nuclear weapons but this is probably an illusion as the following considerations suggest.  Have North Korea and Pakistan really acquired international prestige or become regional leaders? Don’t Germany, Japan and Brazil have considerably more prestige because of their economic importance? Did China and India gain prestige internationally when they acquired nuclear weapons or when their economies expanded to their current levels? Does the prestige of the EU in international relations depend on French and British nuclear weapons ( or NATO forces and US weapons) or on its economic importance as a single developed market, democratic traditions and cultural influence? Do the Arabs respect Israel more because it has nuclear weapons?
(9)   Nuclear technology is old, no longer complex (with the right fissile material you could built one at a US university physics department) and you cannot turn the clock backwards. You cannot get rid of knowledge. So should we try to eliminate them completely, or reduce their numbers and try to improve their safety, prevent their proliferation where this is possible, but accept that they are here to stay?
http://www.boell.de/intlpolitics/security/foreign-affairs-security-global-zero-nuclear-weapons-conference-8755.html
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_proliferation
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_weapon
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_states_with_nuclear_weapons
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_proliferation
http://www.globalissues.org/issue/67/nuclear-weapons
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_Non-Proliferation_Treaty
http://www.wagingpeace.org/articles/1997/00/00_babst_consequences.php
Nuclear technology for the peaceful production of energy
Nuclear power is widely used as a source of energy. Some examples –  France has 59 nuclear power stations (or plants), producing 39% of the country's total energy production, 75% of its electrical power, the highest percentage in the world.
http://nuclearinfo.net/Nuclearpower/TheScienceOfNuclearPower
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power_in_France
Germany has 9, producing  17.7% of its electrical power (compared to 22.4% in 2010 and 17 nuclear plants) but plans to phase out nuclear power by 2022.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power_in_Germany
USA has 99, producing 19.47% of its electrical power. As of 2015, there are five new reactors under construction.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power_in_the_United_States
Japan has 1 nuclear power station in operation. Prior to the earthquake and tsunami of March 2011 Japan had generated 30% of its electrical power from nuclear reactors and planned to increase that share to 40%. After the disaster, all its 50 reactors were closed. On August 11, 2015, the Sendai Nuclear Power Plant was brought back online.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power_in_Japan
The UK has 15, producing 19% of its electrical power.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power_in_the_United_Kingdom
For the history and current situation in Italy see:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power_in_Italy
The Russian Federation currently has 31, producing 17.78% of its energy, but plans to increase the number of reactors to 59 and increase production to 25% by 2030.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power_in_Russia
The Chernobyl disaster was a
nuclear accident that occurred in April 1986 at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant in Ukraine, which was under the direct jurisdiction of the central authorities in Moscow. An explosion and fire released large quantities of radioactive material into the atmosphere. It is widely considered to have been the worst nuclear power plant accident in history. Highly radioactive fallout entered and contaminated the atmosphere and drifted over large parts of the western Soviet Union and Europe (large parts of Germany were covered with radioactive contamination). From 1986 to 2000, 350,400 people were evacuated and resettled from the most severely contaminated areas of Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine. According to official post-Soviet data about 60% of the fallout landed in Belarus. The accident raised concerns about the safety of Russian nuclear technology, as well as the dangers of nuclear power plant engineering in general and human error. Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus have been burdened with the continuing and substantial decontamination and health care costs of the Chernobyl accident. According to a report by the International Atomic Energy Agency estimates of the number of deaths potentially resulting from the accident vary enormously: Thirty one deaths are directly attributed to the accident, all among the reactor staff and emergency workers. An UNSCEAR report places the total confirmed deaths from radiation at 64 as of 2008. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that the death toll could reach 4,000 civilian deaths, a figure which does not include military clean-up worker casualties. The Union of Concerned Scientists estimate that for the broader population there will be 50,000 excess cancer cases resulting in 25,000 excess cancer deaths. The 2006 TORCH report predicted 30,000 to 60,000 cancer deaths as a result of Chernobyl fallout.  A Greenpeace report puts this figure at 200,000 or more. A Russian publication, Chernobyl, concludes that 985,000 premature cancer deaths occurred worldwide between 1986 and 2004 as a result of radioactive contamination from Chernobyl. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chernobyl_disaster 
The recent events following the failure of cooling systems at the Fukushima Daiichi I Nuclear Power Plant in Japan on March 11, 2011demonstrate that even with great advances in the safety of nuclear technology, exceptional events (in this case an earthquake and a tsunami) make 100% safety impossible and raise questions about the industry’s confident claims to operate within acceptable margins of safety.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fukushima_Daiichi_Nuclear_Power_Plant
http://abcnews.go.com/topics/news/fukushima-nuclear-power-plant.htm
http://fukushimaupdate.com/
Many countries had already decided not to use or to phase out nuclear power:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power_phase-out
after the Fukushima disaster other countries now plan to reduce or eliminate nuclear power:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power_in_Germany
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/sep/14/japan-end-nuclear-power
http://www.thedailybeast.com/newsweek/2011/11/27/post-fukushima-nuclear-power-changes-latitudes.html
http://nuclearstreet.com/nuclear_power_industry_news/b/nuclear_power_news/archive/2011/11/04/mexico_1920_s-energy-plans-swap-nuclear-for-natural-gas-110401.aspx
The production of nuclear energy produces radioactive waste materials that need to be stored on a long-term basis (for centuries). The French nuclear power industry’s claims that a very high percentage of this material can be recycled is widely disputed. Moreover, this is not what is happening in most countries at the moment. So this material also represents a threat to life. For example, experts argue that in the US alone, 70 years after the Manhattan project began, there are now 99 nuclear reactors and 177 tanks containing 71,862 tons of nuclear waste (the product of both the commercial and defence nuclear reactors) in temporary(!) storage facilities with no permanent storage arrangements. (see: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/03/23/us-nuclear-waste-radioactive-storage_n_839438.html
Moreover, those who argue that nuclear energy is cheap often ignore the fact that any eventual solution that is found for the disposal of this waste is liable to be very expensive and needs to included in calculating the real cost of producing such energy.
http://www.world-nuclear.org/info/inf40.html
http://www.nytimes.com/cwire/2009/05/18/18climatewire-is-the-solution-to-the-us-nuclear-waste-prob-12208.html?pagewanted=all
http://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/ieer-french-style-nuclear-reprocessing-will-not-solve-us-nuclear-waste-problems-90233522.html
http://spectrum.ieee.org/energy/nuclear/nuclear-wasteland
http://www.nci.org/nci-wpu.htm
http://www.guardian.co.uk/science/blog/2011/apr/04/fear-nuclear-power-fukushima-risks
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dual-use_technology
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thorium_fuel_cycle
The argument for maintaining the existing power plants, at least in the short term, is that fossil fuel alternatives are limited (with falling prices in 2014-15 and the production of shale gas and oil this argument now seems weak) and polluting, and alternative clean renewable energy sources are only in their infancy and cannot offer adequate supplies at the moment. Opponents argue that this only underlines the need for greater investment in renewables in order to produce a technological revolution and lower costs dramatically. Supporters of nuclear power also argue that the two major accidents which happened were in Soviet Russia, using poor technology and under a government system that was well-known for its inefficiency, and in Japan, in an area where a nuclear power plant should never have been built because of seismic risks. Moreover, advocates of nuclear energy claim that more people die, directly or indirectly, in the coal-mining industry and oil industry than die in the nuclear industry and statistics from the International Energy Agency seem to confirm this:
http://www.newscientist.com/article/mg20928053.600-fossil-fuels-are-far-deadlier-than-nuclear-power.html#.UvlL-fvrVbg
However, there are several arguments for closing these power stations. First, there is the danger of an accident like the ones described above. Moreover, in Europe the EU clearly needs to adopt a common policy since the effects of an accident in France could easily spread to Italy, Spain, the UK, Belgium, Switzerland and Germany. Secondly, closing them will force countries to invest heavily and rapidly in alternative renewable energy sources. Thirdly, they are potentially vulnerable targets for terrorists , e.g. an attack on a nuclear facility could lead to a nuclear disaster (e.g. by using a plane), or a raid to acquire nuclear materials or waste (or simply the purchase of these materials from corrupt officials) for the construction of a ‘dirty’(or ‘suitcase’) bomb for a terrorist attack (using conventional explosives to release radioactive material into the atmosphere). The fewer the nuclear plants the less nuclear material there is to protect.
http://www.nci.org/nci-nt.htm
The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is the international organization which is responsible for promoting the peaceful use of nuclear energy, and trying to prevent its development and use for any military purpose, including nuclear weapons. The IAEA was established as an autonomous organization in 1957 but reports to both the UN General Assembly and Security Council . 
As the IAEA points out there is no simple clear line between nuclear energy for peaceful purposes and nuclear energy for military purposes. So preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons in a world in which nuclear energy is widely used for energy production is becoming an extremely difficult, if not impossible, task.
Nuclear weapons today
The US and the Russian Federation have already made large reductions in their nuclear arsenals through an ongoing negotiation process which began with the START 1 treaty in 1991 (also START 2, START 3, SORT) and they are committed to continuing this process (the New START treaty was ratified in January 2011). From a high of 65,000 active weapons in 1985, there are now estimated to be some 4,120 active nuclear warheads and some 15,800 total nuclear warheads in the world in 2015.The US has reduced from 32,000 (active and stockpiled) at the highest point in 1966 to 1,900 (active warheads) and 7,500 (total inventory including reserves and stockpiles)
The
USSR/Russian Federation has reduced from 45,000 (active and stockpiled) at the highest point in 1988 to 1,900 (active) and 7,200 (total inventory)
The following estimates from the
Federation of American Scientists, September 2015.
See this text for an explanation of the figures.
http://fas.org/issues/nuclear-weapons/status-world-nuclear-forces/
Status of World nuclear Forces 2015
Country
Deployed
Strategic
Deployed
Nonstrategic
Reserve/
Nondeployed
Military
Stockpile
Total Inventory
 Russia
 1,780a
0b
 2,720c
4,500
 7,500d
 United States
 1,900e
180f
 2,620g
4,700h
7,200i
 France
 290j
n.a.
10j
300
300
 China
 0k
?k
260
260
260k
 United Kingdom
150l
n.a.
65
215
215l
 Israel
 0
n.a.
80
80
80m
 Pakistan
 0
n.a.
120-130
120-130
120-130n
 India
 0
n.a.
110-120
110-120
110-120o
 North Korea
 0
n.a.
<10
<10
<10p
Total:q
 ~4,120
~180
~6,000
~10,300
 ~15,800
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_disarmament
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_weapon
http://newsoffice.mit.edu/2014/rose-gottenmoeller-america-russia-nuclear-security-1024
“Since 1991, the United States [claims that it] has destroyed about 90 percent of its non-strategic nuclear weapons and devalued them in its military posture. Recently, however, the Obama administration has reaffirmed the importance of retaining some non-strategic nuclear weapons to extend a nuclear deterrent to allies. And the U.S. Congress has made further reductions in U.S. nuclear weapons conditioned on reducing the “disparity” in Russian non-strategic nuclear forces.
Russia says it has destroyed 75 percent of its Cold War stockpile of non-strategic nuclear weapons, but is insisting that at least some of the remaining weapons are needed to counter NATO’s conventional superiority and to defend its border with China. Following a meeting of the NATO-Russia Council on April 19, 2012, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov stated: “Unlike Russian non-strategic nuclear weapons, U.S. weapons are deployed outside the country,” and added that “before talks on the matter could begin, the positions of both sides should be considered on an equal basis.”

However, worsening relations between the US, NATO and the Russian Federation (due to events in Ukraine and the NATO missile defense system) have put further negotiations and progress on further reductions at risk.
President Obama talked about the need for an international commitment to eliminate nuclear arms completely. Realistically, this is unlikely to happen in the near future, without the prospect of some kind of world government. Some experts even doubt the advisability of such a development. However, there is general consensus in the global community that the number of nuclear weapons needs to be reduced and further proliferation avoided if possible. There is less consensus on the use of nuclear energy, but general agreement on the need for:
1)      More integrated strategies for monitoring and responding to the recruitment of trained nuclear scientists and engineers by suspicious parties, and against the purchase or acquisition of fissile materials, nuclear waste materials, nuclear know-how and technical expertise (Pakistani scientists in North Korea and Iran), non- nuclear components of a nuclear bomb or advanced delivery systems by such parties on the black market.
2)      increased secret service surveillance and international cooperation in this field.
3)      improvements in the security provided to and at nuclear plants.
4)      better and more regular tests on the safety of nuclear facilities.
5)      better and permanent arrangements for the recycling and/or storage of nuclear waste.
NATO recently approved the creation of a missile system to defend Europe against an attack with missiles. Despite NATO’s attempts to reach agreement with the Russian Federation on cooperation on this project this seems unlikely, and the Russian Federation has made its opposition to the plan clear. (Moreover, many technical experts doubt that such a system will ever be 100% effective, which is the only level of safety worth having if the missiles have nuclear warheads.) This and the situation in Ukraine have raised tensions with Russia and could put at risks the prospects for further cooperation between the US and Russia on nuclear arms reductions.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_weapon
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zero_Option
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power
For source material about the dispute between the UN and Iran see:
Latest:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iran_nuclear_deal_framework
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/18/opinion/a-safer-world-thanks-to-the-iran-deal.html
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/17/world/middleeast/iran-sanctions-lifted-nuclear-deal.html
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/middleeast/iran/
Background:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comprehensive_agreement_on_Iranian_nuclear_program
http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/iran/nuclear_program/index.html
http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2014/11/20/world/middleeast/Iran-nuclear-timeline.html?_r=0#/#time243_10531
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-11709428
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_program_of_Iran
http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/iran/nuclear_program/index.html
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iran%E2%80%93Israel_relations
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,796849,00.html
For source material about the dispute between the UN and North Korea see the following and their updates:
Latest:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2016_North_Korean_nuclear_test
http://thediplomat.com/2016/01/the-north-korean-hydrogen-bomb-test-and-the-us-japan-alliance/
http://thediplomat.com/2016/01/the-north-korean-hydrogen-bomb-test-and-the-us-japan-alliance/
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jan/06/sanctions-considered-after-condemnation-of-north-korea-nuclear-test
https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/dprkchron
http://www.latimes.com/world/asia/la-fg-us-envoy-north-korea-nuclear-20141212-story.html
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/oct/31/sp-north-korea-nuclear-weapons
http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/northkorea/nuclear_program/index.html
http://pollack.armscontrolwonk.com/archive/4085/north-korea-and-the-united-states-diplomacy-at-an-impasse
Background:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power_in_North_Korea
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timeline_of_North_Korea_nuclear_program
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/North_Korea_and_weapons_of_mass_destruction
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Six-party_talks

domenica 9 aprile 2017

Negotiating with the ‘enemy’. Can this ever be the right choice? Under what circumstances might a government consider negotiating with another state or group that it perceives as an enemy or an adversary?

Introduction
It is often argued that when there is in conflict it is better for the two sides to sit down and negotiate in order to seek a reasonable compromise, instead of simply continuing the conflict with all the economic and human costs that this may involve. At the same time a good argument can be made for saying that there may be some states or groups (terrorists, for example) with which it is basically wrong or dangerous to negotiate. Thus the question of if and when to negotiate with a perceived ‘enemy’ has been and will remain for the foreseeable future a key issue for diplomacy.
After 9/11 the Bush administration decided to wage a ‘war on terror’ against Al Qaeda and the Taliban. It also named North Korea, Iraq, Iran and Syria as’ rogue states’ arguing that these states supported terrorism and were not therefore reliable members of the international community. It was generally unwilling to negotiate with groups or states that it considered enemies. It claimed that it would use US power if necessary to ‘export democracy’ through regime change. This led to military intervention first in Afghanistan, then in Iraq.
However, at the same time the US seemed to make a deal with Libya – no intervention in Libya in exchange for no further support for terrorism. And later it opened a partial though temporary dialogue with Syria, warning Syria of retribution if Syria tried to destabilize post-Saddam Iraq.
With the arrival of the Obama administration the US government said it was open to dialogue with old enemies if the conditions were right. However, faced with the Arab spring, growing protests across the Arab world and the fall of the regimes in Tunisia and Egypt, the Obama administration decided to back this popular movement for change. This meant breaking with Gaddafi when he repressed public protests and supporting military intervention ‘to protect civilians’ and eventually regime change. The US and its allies also believe that the Assad regime in Syria should step down or be forced to step down after bloodily repressing public protest. While many Arab and Muslim countries agree, the international community is divided on the question of continuing negotiations with the regime. The UNSC was also divided on the question of more forceful action, with Russia and China against. All members supported UN attempts to negotiate a truce as a precondition for negotiations between the government and the rebels, but Western and Arab countries imposed sanctions on the Syrian regime to try to discourage it from further acts of violence and in the hope of bringing it down. The Syrian regime agreed to dismantle its chemical arsenal under UN supervision. With the rise of IS Russia and China now actively support the Syrian regime and Russia has called for an alliance with the US and its NATO allies. The US refuses to accept Assad as someone it is prepared to do a deal with. Meanwhile, after months of negotiations in July 2015 Iran agreed to a deal on its nuclear program with the P5+1 (the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council–the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia, France, and China plus Germany) plus the European Union, in exchange for the lifting of sanctions.
Given all the ongoing arguments and negotiations with (and sanctions imposed on, lifted or threatened against) North Korea, Syria, Iran, Russia and until recently Myanmar, identifying if and when it is a good idea for an actor to negotiate with a state or organization it considers an enemy is still a vital question for both individual democratic states and the international community as a whole.
Here are some of the factors that may influence the decision whether to negotiate or not, and some examples to think about, although you will no doubt be able to find for yourself more and better examples from current affairs and from history:
1)   Is there some kind of believable/ feasible /viable/reasonable compromise that could be reached?
Cuba – since the rapprochement in December 2014 it seems so, but there is still a long way to gohttp://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/dec/18/us-cuba-relations-one-year-later-progress-report
Al Qaeda and Islamic State –there seems no basis for a negotiation
Colombia and the FARC – a deal has been negotiated. Will it hold and be implemented successfully?
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/sep/26/colombia-farc-peace-santos
http://www.aljazeera.com/blogs/americas/2015/12/farc-rebels-days-colombian-jungle-151210205526133.html
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-35357170
2)   Can a temporary truce and release of prisoners be arranged to give a positive start to negotiations? Can negotiations begin with a moderate political interlocutor who can also act as a proxy for or channel to a more radical group that we are not yet ready to negotiate with directly – Sinn Fein for the IRA in negotiating the 1998 Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland / Fatah for Hamas in negotiations for a settlement with Israel? This is a way to start things in the hope of broadening participation if progress is made
3)   Does the adversary have some legitimate grievances even though we don not like their methods? – Hamas / Russia in the Ukraine?
4)   Do they have a leadership with whom to negotiate? Will their followers accept the settlement the leadership negotiates? Yasser Arafat’s problem at Oslo.
5)   Do they have widespread local support? Is not negotiating with them a dead end? Brigate Rosse – no/ Hamas –it seems so in Gaza / the Taliban –in some areas, is it gaining support?
6)   Do they have international support – Cuba in the past, and Assad today, North Korea today?
7)   Time and timing – is this the right moment to negotiate? Is the population in the area tired of the struggle? Is the enemy now ready to negotiate? Attitudes in Northern Ireland, Ireland and Britain in the 1990s / in France during the Algerian crisis. Has the struggle changed? ETA is no longer fighting Franco but democratic Spain /Cuba is no longer a Cold War threat, a centre from which Communism can spread to the Americas. Or is the situation the same? Has there been too much blood? Is there still too much hatred and distrust? Israel and the Palestinians? In elections and surveys both the Palestinians and Israelis say they want peace but both sides seem intransigent and very unwilling to make any concessions.
8)  Does the group have two wings, radical and moderate? Can the moderates be persuaded to start negotiations and abandon and isolate the extremists – the Taliban?
9)  Are there outside sponsors for negotiations? – the UN, US, EU and Russia and the moderate Arab states for negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians
10)  Are these sponsors willing to offer money and other aid as an incentive to negotiate? The UN, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states if the Palestinians reached a settlement with Israel
11)  Realpolitik – how desperate are we? Afghanistan? How much do we need an agreement? Can we win without one? Does the present situation cost too much in terms of lives or money, or damage us in other ways? Should the Iraqi government include Sunni leaders who were ex-Baath party members, Shiites who are ex-insurgents or Kurdish separatists? Should the US accept a dialogue with Assad? Should the Afghan government do a deal with some of the Taliban? Will the EU and NATO be forced to accept Russia’s annexation of Crimea?
12)  Realpolitik – can we buy them out? North Korea and US-South Korean aid to North Korea in the past in exchange for promises to halt its nuclear program
13)  Realpolitik – Are there domestic reasons for negotiating or not negotiating? North Vietnam and the Viet Cong (National Liberation Front) and changing US public opinion on the Vietnam war / Russia’s refusal to negotiate with Chechen rebel separatists because of the fear that separatist hopes will spread from Chechnya  to other Caucasian republics (and same for radical Islamist groups in the area) /Turkey’s fears regarding the Kurds both in Syria and in Turkey itself and the consequences for its territorial integrity
14)  Realpolitik – Is it better to use another approach? An embargo, an invasion, political isolation, pressure from an intermediary – for the latter, the US has often asked China to put pressure on its ally, North Korea
15)  How weak are our allies? How much do they need peace to survive? The government of Pakistan and negotiations with moderate Taliban?/ the government of Iraq and possible negotiations with Sunni ex-Saddam Hussein supporters and ex- al Qaeda supporters and other non-government groups?
16)  How expensive for us is what they want (in economic or non-economic terms)? What would happen if Islamist radicals were successful and threatened to take control of the Gulf states and Saudi Arabia / Iran and nuclear power / are the stakes too high to back down and negotiate? September 1939
17)  How final will the treaty be? Israel wants a lasting settlement that guarantees security and means no more attacks and no more claims at a later date. It doesn’t want a treaty with 60% of the Palestinians on most but not all of the issues
18)  Is the situation a kind of civil war? A fight to the death between irreconcilable enemies? The Algerian government and Islamist rebels in the past? / Syria today?
19)  Are there any really effective negotiators who can help? In Northern Ireland, Senator Mitchell and Mo Mowlam
20)  Costs - Is competition too expensive? The Soviet Union and the US, SALT I and II and the oil crisis / the US and the Russian Federation and START and New START?
21)  Impasse – the need for coexistence / Israel and the Palestinians?/ the US and Soviet Union (Nixon and Kissinger) / the US and China (Nixon and Kissinger) 
22)  New opportunities, especially commercial ones – the US and Soviet Union (Nixon and Kissinger) / the US and China (Nixon and Kissinger) 
Conclusion
There may be space for negotiations with some groups or countries which are currently considered adversaries, but it requires a case by case approach, realism so as not to waste time where progress is not really likely or the counterpart is unreliable, but also  real commitment once negotiations are opened (there were accusations of diplomatic inactivity in many areas during the Bush administration). Obama’s willingness to listen and offer dialogue has been a first step and a necessary condition as regards both Cuba and Iran, but the sincerity of the interlocutor in the eyes of skeptics remains doubtful. So progress needs to be monitored in terms of actions in line with the settlement reached or simply in line with the conditions set for opening negotiations. Finally, the possibility of meaningful negotiations depends only in part on the decision and determination of political leaders. It is largely conditioned by public perception of the idea particularly in a democratic country. ETA renounced armed activity in 2011but the Spanish government refuses any dialogue with it, Would negotiations with ETA be acceptable to the Spanish public today? Are they no longer necessary? The same question about popular support for dialogue is perhaps the key to any real hope for serious negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians.
http://pon.harvard.edu/wp-content/uploads/images/posts/N0402Af2.pdf
Below, from page 2 onwards ‘Without Conditions’, but the other articles too:
http://www.tobinproject.org/sites/tobinproject.org/files/assets/Prudent_Use_Full_Book.pdf