Look at the
latest news and decisions to keep up to date:
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/news_180642.htm
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/index.htm
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3McmcY-3d9I
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jtrW6ivIuJA
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_133169.htm
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NATO_Enhanced_Forward_Presence
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PX4a6d3qNbU
https://lc.nato.int/operations/enhanced-forward-presence-efp
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YnDNOMbu0bg
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_52060.htm
Recent background, for example:
https://www.gmfus.org/blog/2020/11/12/great-optimism-eu-and-nato-brussels-looks-biden
https://foreignpolicy.com/2020/11/27/biden-win-macron-independent-europe/
https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-france-germany-usa-defence-idUKKBN2800QS
https://www.ispionline.it/it/pubblicazione/biden-e-la-nato-ricucire-gli-strappi-28081
https://formiche.net/2020/11/esteri-nato-europa-stoltenberg/
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/14/us/politics/nato-president-trump.html
https://www.france24.com/en/20191107-macron-claims-nato-is-suffering-brain-death
You should also read the Lisbon Declaration of November 2010
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/official_texts_68828.htm?mode=pressrelease
the Chicago Declaration of May 2012
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/official_texts_87593.htm?mode=pressrelease
the Wales summit Declarations of September 2014
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_112964.htm
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/news_112517.htm
The Warsaw summit Communiqué of July 2016 http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_133169.htm https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2016_Warsaw_summit
The Brussels summit of May 2017
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2017_Brussels_summit
The Brussels summit of July 2018
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2018_Brussels_summit
London summit December 2019:
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/news_169754.htm https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_171584.htm
http://bianet.org/english/world/216686-nato-releases-final-declaration-of-london-summit https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-50651695 https://thedefensepost.com/2019/12/04/nato-joint-statement-london/
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-50653597
Funding NATO https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_67655.htm
Then:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NATO
https://www.forzearmate.eu/2018/01/11/nato-litalia-assume-la-guida-delle-unita-terrestri-della-forza-di-intervento-rapido/ http://www.forces.gc.ca/en/operations-abroad/nato-ee.page http://www.adnkronos.com/fatti/esteri/2017/09/03/nato-apre-hub-napoli-per-sud_k0JzpzCvEqdnpu1Dqo271N.html
The
current NATO Secretary General is Jens Stoltenberg of Norway, former PM of Norway.
Read this information carefully, as necessary background, take notes on what
you think you can use. You won’t need everything.
e.g. North Atlantic Treaty Organization or North Atlantic Alliance – formed
April 1949 – at present 30 members (Montenegro joined in June 2017 and North
Macedonia in March 2020) – HQ Brussels, Belgium (with Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers
Europe (SHAPE) in Mons, Belgium, the
central command of NATO military forces).
The first NATO Secretary General, Lord Ismay, famously stated the organization's goal was "to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down" (Do not quote this at the Concorso!!).
Developments
regarding the European Defence Agency and NATO
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cPNGZqmrNxg
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SpS4TIdAQ9k https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DnT-gCypgNo
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yaEGS5muCSA
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uj385Rq_66I
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3McmcY-3d9I https://www.eda.europa.eu/
https://frontex.europa.eu/operations/european-coast-guard-functions/ https://frontex.europa.eu/faq/frontex-operations/ https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/headlines/security/20190612STO54310/eu-army-myth-what-is-europe-really-doing-to-boost-defence https://www.nato.int/docu/review/articles/2019/07/16/strengthening-eu-nato-relations/index.html https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_49217.htm https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-Homepage/28286/eu-nato-cooperation-factsheet_en
https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage_en https://www.ecfr.eu/article/commentary_a_new_beginning_for_european_defence https://www.eda.europa.eu/
https://www.eda.europa.eu/aboutus/who-we-are/member-states https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_military_and_civilian_missions_of_the_European_Union https://www.iss.europa.eu/sites/default/files/EUISSFiles/Brief_41_EU_military_operations.pdf https://eeas.europa.eu/topics/military-and-civilian-missions-and-operations/430/military-and-civilian-missions-and-operations_en https://www.eda.europa.eu/what-we-do/our-current-priorities/permanent-structured-cooperation-(pesco) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Permanent_Structured_Cooperation#Participating_armed_forces https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Permanent_Structured_Cooperation#Neutral_states https://ec.europa.eu/ireland/news/key-eu-policy-areas/permanent-structured-cooperation-on-security-and-defence_en https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3ZYOUM7GbSA https://www.irishtimes.com/opinion/eu-defence-co-operation-is-no-threat-to-irish-neutrality-1.3343293
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=99AkjuMgaB4
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ebvJ9OzMRjY
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Dh8EKNZ8O7Y
https://warsawinstitute.org/finnish-ministry-national-defence-sceptical-european-army/ http://tahdistolehti.fi/permanent-structured-cooperation-pesco-new-beginning-increased-cooperation-eu-defence/
and then really as much background as you have time to read
http://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document.html?reference=EPRS_BRI(2018)625109 https://eeas.europa.eu/sites/eeas/files/eu_nato_factsheet_16-06-2017_0.pdf https://www.eda.europa.eu/info-hub/press-centre/latest-news/2017/03/27/nato-deputy-secretary-general-rose-gottemoeller-visits-eda https://www.nato.int/cps/ua/natohq/official_texts_138829.htm https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage_en/15449/Mogherini:%20%22EU-Nato%20cooperation%20crucial%20for%20the%20continent%22 https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/search/site/european%20defence_en http://www.consilium.europa.eu/media/21481/nato-eu-declaration-8-july-en-final.pdf https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2017/06/19/eu-nato-cooperation/# https://www.nato-pa.int/download-file?filename=sites/default/files/2017-11/2017%20-%20163%20DSCTC%2017%20E%20rev%201%20fin%20-%20EU%20AND%20NATO%20COOPERATION%20-%20MESTERHAZY%20REPORT.pdf https://www.nato.int/cps/ua/natohq/topics_49217.htm https://www.nato.int/nato_static_fl2014/assets/pdf/pdf_2016_07/20160630_1607-factsheet-nato-eu-en.pdf
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_operations_of_the_European_Union
http://piracy-studies.org/beyond-rivalry-eu-nato-cooperation-in-counter-piracy-operations/ http://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2016/595855/EPRS_BRI(2016)595855_EN.pdf
http://www.adnkronos.com/aki-en/security/2017/11/10/pinotti-backs-more-integrated-european-defence_ctDIgGhps1J3p37WCRwlmL.html http://www.iai.it/it/pubblicazioni/future-eu-defence-european-space-data-and-cyber-agency https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage_en/34226/Permanent%20Structured%20Cooperation%20(PESCO)%20-%20Factsheet
https://www.consilium.europa.eu/media/31511/171113-pesco-notification.pdf http://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/defence-security/defence-security-timeline/# http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-17-1516_en.htm http://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2017/06/22-euco-security-defence/ http://www.newsweek.com/eu-defense-fund-tackle-russia-military-trump-nato-622648 http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-40217085 http://www.cnbc.com/2017/06/07/eu-prepares-a-defense-union-that-could-alleviate-not-aggravate-trumps-concerns-on-nato.html http://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/wps/portal/rielcano_en/contenido?WCM_GLOBAL_CONTEXT=/elcano/elcano_in/zonas_in/ari1-2017-keohane-threes-company-france-germany-uk-european-defence-post-brexit
http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-17-4385_en.htm
and plans for the European Border and Coast Guard
http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-18-5715_en.htm https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Border_and_Coast_Guard_Agency
https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Risk_Analysis_for_2019_0.pdf
https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2019/11/08/european-border-and-coast-guard-council-adopts-revised-regulation/
NATO background:
NATO was created at the start of the Cold War as an
alliance among states sharing core democratic values, and was a way to extend
the US commitment to the stability and defense of Western and Southern Europe
(resulting from WWII) indefinitely. Its principal objective was to deter (hence
'deterrence') a Soviet invasion or interference in the area. This was
based on article 5 of the treaty, under which members are committed to come to
the aid and defense of any member state which is attacked by a non-member (i.e.
Russia). This was achieved by the deployment of US and allied forces throughout
Europe in such a way that the invasion of a NATO member would automatically
involve the forces of the US and other countries, thus committing them to
action. Conventional Russian forces were always superior to those of the
Alliance, so the ultimate deterrence was provided by US (and later British and
French) nuclear weapons. In the event of a conflict NATO conventional forces
were there to gain time for diplomacy before using nuclear weapons. In response
the Soviet Union created the Warsaw Pact with its Eastern European allies in
May 1955 (after West Germany joined NATO). NATO never had to go to war, and was
thus successful in fulfilling its main objective of deterring Russia.
With the break-up of the Warsaw Pact and the disintegration of the Soviet Union
(1989-1992), NATO seemed to have lost its historic reason for existing. The US
and its NATO allies reduced the size of their forces in Europe and since then
there has been an ongoing debate about what, if any, NATO’s role can and should
now be in world affairs. The Lisbon declaration (Nov. 2010) seemed to provide
some clear indications regarding the direction in which NATO was moving.
However, it also raised certain questions and left some unanswered. With the
events of 2008 in Georgia and, above all, of 2014 in Ukraine there has been a
rise in tensions with Russia, a decline in cooperation between Russia and NATO
and fears that we are returning, if not to the Cold War, at least to an adversarial
relationship rather than one based on working together. Given this scenario,
NATO may now have to return more to its original purpose of guaranteeing its
members’ (particularly its Eastern European members’) sovereignty and independence.
President Trump's decision to withdraw from the Intermediate-range
Nuclear Forces treaty added to tensions and raised fears of a new nuclear arms
race.
(see also the dispute since 1992 between Moldova and
Russia over Transnistria)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transnistria
There were also concerns in Europe that President
Trump might decide to withdraw the US from NATO, which would have meant the
death of the organization, or simply reduce the US role within it in a more
isolationist approach, leaving its European allies to face threats on their own.
This has led the EU to look more to its own defence but also to welcome Biden’s
election.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Withdrawal_from_NATO#United_States_of_America
Main points:
1)
After the
end of the Cold War the US reduced its forces in Europe and shifted a significant
proportion of what remained southwards. NATO reduced its heavy conventional
forces and European armies based largely on military service in favor of
smaller, more professional and much more high-tech forces with ‘out of area’
(outside Europe) capabilities (including logistical support). This process will
continue with more attention paid to cost effectiveness and the full integration
of different national forces and weapons systems.
2)
NATO’s new
Strategic Concept is based on the idea of intervention in crisis management and
security questions beyond NATO’s borders (‘out of area’ operations beyond Europe,
the area NATO was originally created to defend) and in cooperation with other
countries and regional organizations (ISAF in Afghanistan was NATO-led but
included forces from other countries). This idea has gradually evolved since the
early 1990s with NATO’s intervention in the Balkans (in 1993 against Serbia,
and in 1999 in Kosovo). After 9/11 NATO invoked article 5 for the first time
and sent the ISAF to Afghanistan in 2001 under a UN mandate (the first major
‘out of area’ operation) and later also became involved in training Iraqi
forces to take over responsibility for security. Since August 2009 it has
conducted operation Ocean Shield against piracy off the Horn of (North-East)
Africa. It launched an operation to protect Libyan civilians from the Gaddafi
regime in March-October 2011 which led to the fall of the regime, and is now
involved in operations in the Mediterranean against illegal immigration. As a
result of 9/11 and the threat of further
terrorist attacks there is now also intensified cooperation between the security
services and police forces of NATO members, and between them and other
countries facing the same threat. It also created a NATO Response Force (NRF)
to make it easier for NATO to provide a rapid response to a crisis before the deployment
of heavier forces.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NATO_Response_Force
3)
NATO began
to see its role less in strictly military terms and more and more in terms of
cooperating with the UN, the EU, other international or regional organizations,
and other countries (whether democratic like Brazil and Australia or less so,
like Russia, or not at all but stable, like China) on a range of issues considered
threats to NATO members’ security, e.g. terrorism, international crime and
trafficking, prevention of the proliferation of nuclear arms, piracy, cyber
attacks, climate change and environmental degradation and crisis management
(intervention to stabilize failed states and prevent escalating local
crises).See the Lisbon Summit Declaration November 2010
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/official_texts_68828.htm?mode=pressrelease
and
the Chicago
Summit Declaration (May 2012)
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/official_texts_87593.htm?mode=pressrelease
4) In the years
following the disintegration of the Soviet bloc, many former Soviet satellite
states joined NATO and the EU which expanded to the East (German unification in
1990, NATO membership for Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic in 1999, for
the Baltic states, Rumania, Bulgaria and Slovakia in 2004, for Albania and
Croatia in 2009, Montenegro 2017). The remaining Balkan states will probably
join NATO soon (As of 2018, however, NATO officially
recognizes only four aspiring members: Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina
in the Balkans, and then Georgia and Ukraine where progress seems
difficult because of Russian opposition) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Enlargement_of_NATO
For Eastern
European countries this move was mainly a guarantee of continued independence
from Russia. However, this has been seen by Russia as aggressive and a way to
reduce Russia’s traditional sphere of influence. Russia made clear its
opposition to Ukraine, Belarus and Georgia joining NATO or the EU. Georgia has
been promised NATO membership at an unspecified date in the future but Russia’s
intervention in Georgia in 2008, in support of the break-away republics of South
Ossetia and Abkhazia, was the first real sign of the dangers raised by the question
of further NATO/EU expansion to the East. In fact, Russia’s opposition to
Georgia joining NATO seems to have blocked further progress.
However, it
is the evolution of events in Ukraine which have really thrown into question
all certainties about relations with the Russian Federation. Ukraine also
expressed interest in NATO membership in 2008, but later adopted a position of
neutrality in 2010 probably because of Russia’s opposition. A decision in
November 2013 by Ukraine's President Viktor Yanukovych to pull out of an
association deal with the European Union sparked huge street protests that
eventually led to his downfall in February 2014. In March Russia reacted by annexing
the Ukrainian region of Crimea after the Crimean parliament declared independence
from Ukraine, and unrest began growing in eastern Ukraine, where pro-Russian
sentiment is strong. The US and NATO denounced the Russian move as illegal and
its support for the separatist insurgencies in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions
since 2014 as aggressively expansionist. Following Russia’s support for the separatists
in 2014, the Ukrainian government launched a military counter-offensive against
the insurgents, which resulted in the ongoing War in Donbass. After parliamentary
elections
in October
2014, the new Ukraine government made joining NATO a priority. In December
2014, the Ukrainian parliament renounced Ukraine's non-aligned
status that had
“proved to be ineffective in guaranteeing Ukraine's security and protecting the
country from external aggression and pressure”. Russia obviously opposes this.
Russia has continued to argue that it sees NATO and the EU’s expansion to the East
over the last 20 years as far more aggressive than its own response to protect
Russian minorities and that this expansion is a violation of a promise made in
1990 that in exchange for Russian agreement to German reunification NATO agreed
not to expand towards the East. http://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21643220-russias-aggression-ukraine-part-broader-and-more-dangerous-confrontation
NATO's growing concern and its strategy to respond to Russia's moves can be
seen in
The Wales
Summit Declaration Sept 2014 (paragraphs 16-31)
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_112964.htm
the
Warsaw Declaration on Transatlantic Security July 2016
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_133168.htm
and in detail in the Warsaw Summit Communiqué July 2016 (paragraphs 9-24)
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_133169.htm
With the situation
in Georgia, the current conflict in Ukraine and the resulting sanctions, as well
as Russia’s growing assertiveness in international relations (e.g. Syria) new
questions have been raised about the prospects for good future relations between
the European Union, NATO and the West
in general and the Russian Federation. With Russian minorities in other
Eastern European and Baltic NATO and EU members (and also in Moldova) NATO
decided in March 2015 to strengthen its Baltic Air Policing mission and
presence in Eastern Europe and the Black Sea area. It has also conducted joint
military exercises with Ukraine but has avoided overt military involvement in
both Ukraine and Georgia, not wanting a direct confrontation with Russia and
the risk of a complete break-down in relations. Although they are not NATO members,
Ukraine and Georgia began
participating in the NATO Response
Force (NRF), respectively, in 2014 and 2015.
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/nato-s-eastward-expansion-did-the-west-break-its-promise-to-moscow-a-663315.html
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/nato-s-eastward-expansion-did-the-west-break-its-promise-to-moscow-a-663315-2.html
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ukraine%E2%80%93NATO_relations
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014%E2%80%9315_Russian_military_intervention_in_Ukraine
(See the notes in ‘The EU and the Russian
Federation’ for an account of the evolution of events in Ukraine in 2014 and the growth in
tension between NATO and the Russian Federation).
At the NATO summit in Wales on 4th and 5th September
2014, the military alliance finalized plans for its new spearhead NATO Response
Force (a rapid deployment force of 4,000
soldiers able go into action in 48 hours) as a response to growing concern about
the Ukraine crisis and the rise of Islamic State militants. Despite calls from
eastern European members (Poland and the Baltic states), NATO did not approve
the proposal to create new permanent bases in these member states. Germany in particular
wished to avoid further antagonizing Russia by such an action. President Obama,
however, assured them of NATO and US commitment to their protection (see below
for change of policy at Warsaw Summit) NATO also confirmed the suspension
(April 2014) of its partnership for civilian and military cooperation with
Russia and offered support for Ukraine’s plans to strengthen its military capacity.
http://edition.cnn.com/2014/09/05/world/europe/ukraine-crisis/index.html
http://edition.cnn.com/2014/09/02/world/europe/ukraine-crisis/
http://www.voanews.com/content/eastern-ukraine-ceasefire/2440781.html
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/sep/16/ukraine-votes-more-power-separatist-east
President
Putin defended Russia’s annexation of Crimea by saying that Washington and its
European allies were guided by “the rule of the gun” rather than international
law and respect for the principle of state sovereignty. In March 2014
Washington put military cooperation with Russia on hold and ended negotiations
on the NATO missile defense program. It also banned the export to Russia of
technology with potential military applications, suspended cooperation on
civilian nuclear energy projects and cut off NASA’s contacts with its Russian
counterparts. Russia, meanwhile, made a resolution of the impasse over NATO’s
missile defense system a precondition to further strategic arms control talks.
It formed the Eurasian Economic Union with Belarus and Kazakhstan in May in
2014 and Armenia and Kyrgyzstan became full members in 2015. The Eurasian
Economic Union has an integrated single market of 183
million people and a gross domestic product of over 4
trillion US dollars (PPP). All EAEU member states participate in the Collective
Security Treaty Organization, an intergovernmental mutual defense alliance. Some
Russian commentators even argue that its authoritarian model is a viable
alternative to Western liberal democracy and one which will gain support in the
Caucasus and Central Asia, where some Western ideas are seen as going against
tradition and religion.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eurasian_Economic_Union
At the 2016 Warsaw summit NATO reversed its position on deploying forces to Russia's borders. NATO agreed to deploy military forces to the Baltic states and eastern Poland from January 2017 to deter Russia, a response to Moscow's 2014 seizure of Crimea from Ukraine. The four battalions totaling between 3,000 and 4,000 troops would be led by Britain in Estonia, the United States in Poland, Canada in Latvia and Germany in Lithuania. This has been called by various names, Operation Reassurance, Operation Deterrence and now NATO's Enhanced Forward Presence. There is also the Enhanced NATO Response Force, the Very High Readiness Joint Task Force and the Multinational Division South – East in Romania.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NATO_Enhanced_Forward_Presence https://kariuomene.kam.lt/en/e_f_p.html
https://www.nato.int/nato_static_fl2014/assets/pdf/pdf_2018_09/20180903_180905-MAP-eFP-eng.pdf
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_136388.htm
https://www.nato.int/nato_static_fl2014/assets/pdf/pdf_2017_03/20170316_170316-def-det-map.pdf
http://www.reuters.com/article/us-nato-summit-decisions-factbox-idUSKCN0ZP0MX
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/04/nato-deploys-troops-poland-russian-border-170413213541667.html
https://euobserver.com/foreign/135681
http://www.forces.gc.ca/en/operations-abroad/nato-ee.page
https://www.voanews.com/a/nato-summit-shows-shift-from-reassurance-to-deterrence/3409096.html
further NATO
and EU response to Ukraine
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-46425777
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/opinions_160789.htm
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_156623.htm
http://nato.mfa.gov.ua/en/ukraine-nato/Partnership
https://www.nato.int/cps/ic/natohq/official_texts_25457.htm
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ukraine%E2%80%93European_Union_Association_Agreement
http://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2017/07/11/ukraine-association-agreement/
latest
news https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-49986007
5)
NATO continues
to want and need to stabilize and improve relations with Russia. There has been
extensive practical cooperation in many fields in the recent past. How far is
each side willing to make concessions to return to this cooperation? And how
far have the events and growing tensions in Eastern Europe put all future
cooperation at risk? See point 4.
a) NATO has
developed a ballistic missile defense system in Europe for the protection of NATO
forces and the populations of NATO
member states.
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_49635.htm
This is supposedly
intended to deal with a threat from a country like Iran, accused of wanting to
develop nuclear weapons, or against terrorists (!), but has been consistently
opposed by the Russians as potentially aimed at them. In Lisbon NATO relaunched
the idea, offering to work with Russia on this project. The immediate Russian
response at the Lisbon summit in November 2010 (NATO Russia Council) was positive
providing that the cooperation offered by NATO meant Russia’s real
integration into a system of shared defense against third parties (e.g. Iran).
Russia was not willing to accept a system based in Eastern European NATO member
states from which it would only receive information and intelligence as a
courtesy. The implication from the Russian point of view is that it could still
be used against Russia. In fact, NATO rejected the idea of Russia’s
participation in the control arrangements for the missile defense system and
Russia has deployed missiles to
Kaliningrad and other sections of its borders with NATO.
During its 2012 Chicago Summit NATO
leaders declared that the ballistic missile defense system had reached
‘interim’ capability. For what this means see the link to the Wikipedia notes
on the Chicago summit. It seems to involve installations in the Czech Republic,
Poland and the Black Sea region (Turkey and Romania) as well as submarine based
missiles. The project will not be completed till 2020 at the earliest, perhaps,
more realistically, only by 2022.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NATO_missile_defence_system
http://www.rt.com/news/246709-nato-missile-shield-iran/
At its 2016 Warsaw
summit NATO took command of the U.S.-built missile shield in Europe to defend
against ballistic missiles from Iran.
http://www.reuters.com/article/us-nato-summit-decisions-factbox-idUSKCN0ZP0MX
latest:
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_49635.htm
https://ac.nato.int/page8021748
b)
NATO and the
US have frequently reaffirmed their commitment to nuclear non-proliferation,
and continuing large-scale reductions (see Telegraph article below) in nuclear
armaments and missile delivery systems initiated with the START I treaty (July
1991) and continued in START II (Jan 1993) and SORT (May 2002). In fact,
further reductions were agreed in the most recent round of negotiations between
the US and Russia that led to the New START treaty which came into force in
February 2011 and replaced the START II and SORT treaties. Some commentators
suggest that it seems slightly contradictory to launch a project for missile
defense (point 5a) while supporting arms reductions. Others argue that it is simply
a question of realism, and that NATO’s first priority must be its founding
purpose, collective security.
Russia for
several years made a resolution of the impasse over NATO’s missile defense
system a precondition to further strategic arms control talks. However, Putin
may now be more open to new negotiations than the US
http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/13/c_138468954.htm
There is a
danger that with the gradual evolution of nuclear and missile technology much
of the impressive progress made on nuclear arms reductions could unravel unless
negotiations are relaunched soon. At the same time in the US there are doubts
about whether Russia has respected its New START commitments to arms
reductions. This is what led President Trump to announce the US withdrawal from
the 1987 Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces
treaty, with some commentators saying there is a danger of a new nuclear arms
race. Some experts argue that with the increased reliance on IT systems in
nuclear defence systems the catastrophic risks of a computer error or computer-related
human error are leading us towards the nightmare scenario of Dr Strangelove. In
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/20/trump-us-nuclear-arms-treaty-russia
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-17511816http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/northamerica/usa/7674962/US-has-more-than-5000-nuclear-warheads.html
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_states_with_nuclear_weapons
http://www.mapsofworld.com/world-top-ten/world-top-ten-countries-by-nuclear-warheads-map.html
https://www.brookings.edu/research/the-future-of-u-s-russian-arms-control/
Unresolved
Questions for NATO:
1)
The decision-making
process. The existing system depends on consensus and agreement at all levels,
without formal voting. There is an unwritten rule that a country (or countries)
which is not in agreement with the other members on an issue remains silent (e.g.
Greece and the NATO intervention in the Balkans) and simply does not participate
in the operation. However, as the organization grows, like the EU, it will
probably need to modify this decision-making process. Can this be done without
damaging NATO’s effectiveness? What seems likely to happen is that NATO actions
may be authorized by all or most members but not undertaken by all the 30
members. In addition, there may be space for small groups of NATO allies to undertake
operations that have first been discussed with the other members. In practice
this is want happened in Libya, although the US criticized the lack of participation
by the NATO members which had authorized the mission.
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/topics_49178.htm
2)
Relations
with Russia – at the start of the 21st century, despite a clear
commitment from both NATO and Russia to warmer relations and closer cooperation
it was not clear what this meant in practice, or if they were thinking along
the same lines. Russia seemed to believe that without formally joining NATO it
should have the right to share in NATO decisions (and block those it does not
like) and also to take part fully in NATO’s military/technological programs. NATO
seemed to think that cooperation simply meant keeping Russia informed and
providing it with any information NATO gets regarding possible threats to
Russia. While Russia is a vital partner from the point of view of global
security and within international decision-making bodies (and in economic
terms, e.g. energy supplies to the EU), most NATO members, particularly those
in Eastern Europe are doubtful about whether Russia really shares NATO’s core
democratic beliefs, and how far Russia can be trusted. Events in Georgia and
Ukraine have only strengthened this point of view. However, terrorist attacks
like those in Paris on November 13th 2015 will continue to require
cooperation between Russia and the West in a coordinated effort to defeat Islamic
extremists. However, for the moment how this relationship will develop is unclear.
The document puts NATO's position very clearly:
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_111767.htm?selectedLocale=en
a)
The proposed
NATO missile defense system – this is a good example of the above. How exactly
could Russia be persuaded to cooperate with, or simply accept this project?
Since Russia is not being offered access to the technology and a right to
participate fully in any decisions, it is likely to remain hostile to the
project.
b)
NATO
membership for Georgia, Ukraine and the Balkan states – NATO believes these
states have the right to join. Russia sees this as an aggressive expansion by
NATO into Russia’s ‘near abroad’ and is against more of its neighbors joining
NATO. It seems ready to actively protect what it sees as Russia’s interests and
ethnic Russian minorities (the war with Georgia and support for separatists in
Ukraine). This seems to have frozen progress on expanding NATO membership to
both Georgia and Ukraine and cooperation between NATO and Russia for the
moment.
c)
Russia and
the US are both aware that further progress on arms reductions depends not only
on agreement on the ballistic missile defense system. Russia argues that the US
must be committed to working with, and not against, Russia for real progress to
be made and progress on an agreement on NATO’s missile defense system is now a
Russian precondition for nuclear arms reduction talks. The US withdrawal from
the Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces treaty raises
the danger of a new nuclear arms race.
d)
Enhanced Forward Presence is a NATO deployment in Europe aimed at countering
possible Russian expansionism after events in Georgia and Ukraine.
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_136388.htm
https://kariuomene.kam.lt/en/e_f_p.html
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PX4a6d3qNbU
3)
What happens
if in the end NATO loses in Afghanistan? – This is not an impossibility.
Although NATO withdrew most of its forces from the country by the end of 2014,
transferring military and security responsibilities to the Afghan authorities
and forces, about 16,000 NATO troops (including 10,000 US soldiers) remained.
At its Warsaw summit NATO allies agreed to help fund Afghan security forces
between 2018 and 2020 with around $1 billion annually. NATO countries will also
keep troops in Afghanistan to train Afghan forces.
http://www.reuters.com/article/us-nato-summit-decisions-factbox-idUSKCN0ZP0MX
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Resolute_Support_Mission
The Trump administration
initially increased US troops in Afghanistan by 4,000 but decided in December
2018 to reduce US forces there by 7,000 (about half).
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/12/20/us/politics/afghanistan-troop-withdrawal.html
So the
Afghan government could still be defeated by the Taliban and local warlords
(which explains attempt to launch negotiations with ‘moderate’ Taliban groups).
This would be a repeat of the US experience in South Vietnam and in effect a defeat
for NATO and the UN. Would such an outcome, and the enormous cost of the
operation, damage NATO’s reputation and confidence so much that it would be
unable or unwilling to undertake other ‘out of area’ (i.e. outside Europe)
operations? Would this be the end of NATO’s commitment to proactive crisis
management around the world? Would it mean a return to a much more traditional
defensive role limited to the European area? The NATO operation in Libya, which
initially was seen as a success, led to internal chaos, faction-fighting and the
growing presence of Islamic State and other radical groups in the area. Again,
this may have reduced the willingness of NATO members to take part in similar operations
in the future. It may also be Donald Trump's position. In November 2020, NATO still had
around 11,000 troops in Afghanistan, helping to train and advise the
national security forces. Most of the personnel
are from Europe and other NATO partner countries. By January 2021 the US had cut
the number of its service personnel in Afghanistan from 4,500 to
about 2,500. NATO supports the peace negotiations between the Afghan government
and the Taliban which began in September 2020.
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_8189.htm
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-54980141
4)
Finances –
Both the US and Europe were hit hard by the recession and financial crisis.
There is reluctance on both sides of the Atlantic to face the question of
paying for NATO forces and operations. The
US contributes between one-fifth and one-quarter of NATO's budget (22%) and
most of its forces, equipment and technology for actual operations (in
Afghanistan, for example) since it
accounts for a massive 72% of NATO members’ military spending (while
representing only 41% of the NATO countries’ combined GDP), and the US wants
European members to spend more on their military. For them this has not been a
good time to increase their contributions to NATO. Most of them have made cuts
to their military spending. This could damage NATO’s operational effectiveness.
Cuts in European military forces after the 2008 financial crisis may have been
so large as to compromise their ability to launch sustained independent operations,
or even to participate effectively in large-scale combined operations. ‘Smart defense’ is an attempt to combine
cuts in spending with rationalization of resources in order to remain fully
effective. It is also difficult to calculate what the balance should be between
the US and Europe because clearly US military spending also covers US operations
and forces which are not intended for NATO.
http://www.cbsnews.com/news/gates-criticizes-nato-how-much-does-us-pay/
How realistic is it to talk about a more
democratic basis for decision- making within the organization, with more of a
say for European members, if NATO is essentially an organization in which the
US pays for and does most of the work? # NATO used to be formed by large armies
based on military service. After the end of the Cold War there was a move to much
smaller professional armies based on career volunteers and greater investment
in high-tech equipment to give these forces a decisive combat advantage. As was
mentioned above, in a period of austerity the key concept seems to be ‘smart defense’, * a more intelligent use
of limited financial resources, more sharing of equipment and back-up support
and integration between NATO forces (e.g. Britain and France signed a defense
cooperation treaty in November 2010 which involves plans to share military
assets and technologies). How realistic all this will be in maintaining NATO as
an effective force remains to be seen.
However, at the Warsaw summit NATO'S
European allies agreed a defence spending increase worth more than £6 billion.
Most members, however, failed in 2017 and 2018 to reach the target of 2% of GDP
for military spending.
5)
Is NATO (a
defensive military alliance with espionage capabilities) really the right kind
of organization to deal with threats like cyber-attacks, terrorism, various
kinds of illegal trafficking, illegal immigration, piracy, nuclear
proliferation and peace-keeping, -building and -enforcement operations and
environmental concerns? Perhaps it is and NATO should gradually be re-organized
and lose some of its military character.
6)
Is there a
contradiction between a NATO ballistic missile defense system and the
goal of nuclear arms reductions? After all, the missiles used to eliminate incoming
missiles (defense) are often weapons that could also be rearmed and used as
delivery systems (offense).
7)
The operation
in Libya holds several lessons and, as a case study, offers an interesting
comparison with the operation in Afghanistan, the invasion of Iraq and the
situation in Syria, both in terms of similarities and differences. First, it
was, like Afghanistan, an out of area operation (but only slightly) and had a
UN mandate. However, the Russians claim it exceeded its mandate to protect
civilian lives. It was limited to air raids against specific targets, as
requested by the Arab League and Libyan fighters, and did not involve sending
land forces to Libya. The US played an active role only at the start but
provided logistics, supplies and support. Generally, it had support from the
local population on the ground, and it was successful and of short duration.
However, it also demonstrated that it is difficult to build consensus to act
within NATO even for an operation very close to NATO’s borders (Germany was
initially strongly opposed). Secondly, the operation was expensive and complex
(but obviously nowhere near as long and costly as the operation in Afghanistan)
and only possible with the political, military, technological and financial support
of the US, despite the attempt to make it a ‘European’ operation. However, what
was seen as the operation's technical success led to the fall of the Gaddafi
regime but, as in Afghanistan, this did not produce a smooth transition to a
functioning democracy but the collapse of law and order. In the absence of an
international mission like the one in Afghanistan Libya remains a country dominated by armed
factions and so far unable to produce a stable and effective central government
with real control over its territory. As a result it is a base for terrorism
and human-trafficking and is the point of departure for many refugees trying to
enter Europe via Italy. It is hard to see how the new but fragile unity
government will re-establish the rule of law. However at its Warsaw summit NATO
leaders agreed to provide support for the European
Union's military mission off the Libyan coast to crack down on smugglers. NATO
may provide vessels, surveillance aircraft and radars to help uphold a U.N.
arms embargo, although details are still being worked out.
http://www.reuters.com/article/us-nato-summit-decisions-factbox-idUSKCN0ZP0MX
All of this should make us think carefuly
about what kind of operation NATO is able or not able to carry out / is willing
or unwilling to carry out / should or should not carry out, and in what
circumstances and under what conditions it is likely to be successful.
8) In contrast to the fairly rapid response to
events in Libya in 2011, there was little desire among NATO members to intervene
in Syria when the civil war began except in terms of sanctions. NATO began to
deploy Patriot missiles to Turkey in 2013 to protect it from any potential
spread of the Syrian conflict.
The US in the summer 2015 and its allies
(notably France and the UK after the terrorist attacks in Paris in Nov. 2015)
carried out air raids against IS in coordination with other Middle East allies
but there are no plans for a NATO operation. However, there is neither the
legal basis for a major NATO ground intervention in Syria, nor real support for
the idea among NATO members. There has been extensive intervention by Russia,
Turkey and Iran but there is no agreed
and coordinated plan between these three and Western countries as they have
different objectives. In December 2018 Donald Trump ordered a full withdrawal of American
forces from Syria. At the same time the US administration said that it accepted
that President
Assad, Russia’s ally, could stay in power as a part of a long term solution to
the Syrian crisis but called on the Syrian regime to make fundamental changes
in exchange for aid in reconstruction.
http://www.arabnews.com/node/1422691/middle-east
As the fighting goes on there continue to
be very large number of refugees arriving from Syria at the EU’s borders as a
result of the civil war and the initial success of Islamic State forces.
Meanwhile, although Islamic State has been checked and defeated, it has been eliminated.
9) Events in
Turkey, a key NATO ally, have also raised concern. The attempted military coup
in July 2016 and the Turkish government’s hard-line response to it added to
existing questions about the treatment of the Kurdish minority and human rights
in general. Turkey is also a key partner for the EU in dealing with the migrant
crisis. So commentators are now
asking whether Turkey is still and will remain a reliable NATO ally, and if
not, what this may mean for the alliance's strategy in the Middle East and
Mediterranean.
http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2016/03/29/does-turkey-still-belong-in-nato
10)
In recent
years the potential security threats to the EU have grown. There has been
increased instability in North Africa and the Middle East with the collapse of decades-old
regimes and areas of civil war (Syria) or ineffective government and
faction-fighting (Libya), leading to mass migration towards Europe and the
spread of terrorism to Europe itself. Meanwhile Russia has begun to use its
military power to reassert its influence both in the Middle East and in Eastern
Europe. Its intervention first in Georgia and later in the Ukraine have alarmed
the EU and in particular the EU's Eastern members. The decision of the UK to
withdraw from the EU (Brexit) and, even more, the election of Donald Trump as
US President (a figure whose statements have sometimes made him sound potentially
isolationist, at least in relation to Europe) have, in the last two years,
galvanized attempts to finally create an integrated European Defence structure through
the EU Defence Agency https://www.eda.europa.eu/. This is not intended or expected
to substitute NATO any time soon (given the scale and strength of the US
military and logistical infrastructure) but to function alongside it. Europe
needs to be able to respond effectively and independently to threats in the
event that the US, for whatever reason, is unwilling or reluctant to assist, or
to carry out operations in areas that the US does not consider of strategic
importance but the EU deems to be vital. Things seem to be moving fast and the EU Permanent Structured Cooperation on security and
defence (PESCO) should become operational in the very near future. To put
things in perspective, however, one should remember that while the EU's Eastern
European members have welcomed this process which reassures them of support from
their EU partners they have also welcomed as crucial the deployment of NATO forces,
including US and Canadian units, to their countries. Similarly, Italy which
hosts both the US Sixth Fleet and a growing number of US bases, would surely count at least on
US naval, air and logistical support in any major operation in the Mediterranean.
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/oct/03/us-military-base-expansion-italy
(Gentiloni
15/09/2016) In Italy’s vision, there are
three main areas worth exploring in the pursuit of a common European defense.
The first concerns a comprehensive approach to
regional crises. We should work to create a more streamlined and integrated
civilian-military structure, in order to ensure a more effective response to
complex emergencies. The establishment of a permanent civilian-military
headquarters — as has also been suggested by France and Germany — would
represent an ambitious step forward in the EU’s capacity for crisis management.
The second area regards the development of defense
capabilities. Europe has to acquire the defense capabilities needed to be a
prominent player on the international scene. This will necessitate common EU
efforts to support the Continent’s defense industry and broaden its industrial
and technological base.
The third area involves multinational forces: the
establishment of a division-level European Multinational Force, able to carry
out a set of pre-determined missions and operations. This initiative would
differ from the multinational forces already in place, such as the battlegroups,
in the size and composition of the military units. It would also possess a
unified strategic command, the endowment of permanent forces and a common
budget for operations.
These three areas are not entirely new. Nevertheless,
we must acknowledge that in the past we have found it difficult to make
significant progress as 28 member states. Today, at a time when decisive external
action is required, we need to move forward rapidly.
Italy proposes that a core group of EU countries
accelerate their integration in the area of defense, leaving others the option
to join at a later stage through an inclusive exercise. Rather than advancing
ready-made solutions, this would be the beginning of a political process.
Many of the technical aspects of European Defence integration are the same as those facing NATO (financing, standardization of weapons and equipment, integration of multilingual military forces) but the fact that the EU has a large, existing civilian structure maybe a considerable advantage.
Conclusion:
Despite point 4 NATO still accounts for more than 60% of global military
spending:
http://www.globalresearch.ca/1-6-trillion-military-mafia-nato-countries-account-for-70-of-world-military-budget/22155
http://www.scribd.com/doc/85583522/AFB-DefenceandSecurity
http://www.stripes.com/news/despite-cuts-nato-still-accounts-for-most-of-world-s-military-spending-1.269882
In 2013 the US spend 3.8% of its nominal GDP on the military, Russia 4.2 % and
China 2.1%. but of course the US GDP is much bigger and there are all the other
NATO members.
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.XPND.GD.ZS
During the early phase of the Cold War the Warsaw Pact’s conventional forces
significantly outnumbered NATO forces. A comparison of NATO conventional
resources today with those of the Russian Federation gives NATO a clear advantage
because of huge, accumulated US assets (and the transfer of the Eastern
European bloc countries to NATO), despite increased military spending by Russia
in recent years and some reductions in Europe by the US and the rest of NATO.
So NATO continues to be the world’s largest and most powerful alliance system,
and remains committed to its core values and primary security goals. It is now
playing a much wider, much more proactive role than during the Cold War, and
intends to continue to do so while seeking new partners within the international
community. Time will show whether NATO can be effective in this role and
whether it will continue to have the material and financial resources, internal
cohesion and international consensus that it will need in order to do so.
Events in Ukraine are forcing NATO to re-examine its priorities. It may be
compelled to return to its original purpose, the guaranteeing of its members’
sovereignty, freedom and security in a mainly European context.
A counter-argument to explore: There
are also many critics of NATO who feel that since the end of the Cold War NATO
has taken on a more and more proactive role. They fear that even when acting with
UN authorization, this too easily leads to an increasingly aggressive
militaristic response to local and global problems. They argue that
anti-terrorist or humanitarian intervention by military means is a high risk
strategy in terms of both collateral damage (civilian deaths, displaced
persons, refugees, physical destruction of housing and essential infrastructure,
economic collapse and soaring operational costs) and final objectives (creating
a functioning democratic state or simply bringing an end to the fighting). They
would prefer to see NATO adopt a much more cautious and conservative stance,
defensive in the traditional sense, while cooperating with the UN on normal
peace-keeping operations and in humanitarian assistance.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/may/20/new-thinking-needed-nato
http://peaceandhealthblog.com/2012/05/21/nato-world-security/
Some fairly recent sources:
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/opinions_75836.htm
http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/public/International%20Affairs/2012/88_2/88_2dorman.pdf
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2012_Chicago_Summit
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/events_84074.htm
Also important:
US
bases in Italy
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/oct/03/us-military-base-expansion-italy
NATO
Funding – How it works. Read all sections
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_67655.htm
Lots more old background material
for those who want it!
Outcomes of NATO Warsaw summit July 2016:
- Strengthening the alliance's
military presence in the east, with four battalions in Poland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania on a
rotational basis – to be in place by 2017.
- Allies declared Initial Operational Capability of
NATO's Ballistic Missile Defence to counter threats posed by Iran and
further afield, North
Korea, to
the European continent
- http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/topics_49635.htm
- Pledge to strengthen individual nations' and
collective cyber defences, and recognise cyberspace as a new operational
domain.
- Start training and capacity building inside Iraq.
- NATO Boeing E-3 Sentry AWACS
surveillance planes to provide information and intelligence to the Global
Coalition to counter ISIL from Turkish and international airspace.
- Agreed to an expanded maritime presence in the Mediterranean Sea to
cope with the European
migrant crisis and human trafficking.
- Continue the Resolute
Support Mission in Afghanistan beyond
2016, confirmed funding commitments for Afghan forces until 2020.
- NATO-Ukraine
Commission reviewed the security situation in Ukraine, endorsed government
plans for reform, agreed a Comprehensive Assistance Package for Ukraine.
- NATO
Secretary General signed a Joint Declaration with the Presidents
of the European Council and the European
Commission to take partnership between NATO and the European Union to a
higher level. Declaration sets out areas where NATO and the EU will step
up cooperation – including maritime security and countering hybrid threats
posed by a more aggressive Russia
In ‘NATO’s Next Act – How to Handle Russia and Other
Threats’ (Foreign Affairs, July- August
2016)
https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/europe/2016-06-13/natos-next-act
Philip M.
Breedlove, former NATO Supreme Commander 2013-16, describes how over the past 3
years NATO has begun shifting its forces from operations outside Europe (e.g.
Afghanistan) to the threats closer to the heart of the continent – namely
Russian aggression and the challenges associated to the ongoing instability in
the Middle East and North Africa (international displacement of people and
transnational terrorism). Breedlove argues that the US and its NATO allies need
to increase, modernize and rationalize their available resources in Europe given
that the sanctions imposed on Russia after its seizure of Crimea have not
deterred Russia which is continuing its Cold War- style provocations against
NATO ships and planes and territorial waters and air space and its
militarization of the Arctic. He suggests that a rapid military action by
Russia against a NATO ally (e.g. Poland or one of the Baltic states),
presumably in support of a Russian minority or ‘vital interest’, might meet
little effective resistance from NATO in the short term and the situation could
become a fait accompli.
He points out that
US and NATO funding for Europe has been insufficient to deal with this growing
threat from Russia, due to US budget cuts, the US prioritizing of other global
threats, the US Asia-Pacific rebalance, the recession and the economic
difficulties faced by many of America’s European NATO allies, their continuing
commitments in Kosovo and Afghanistan and their growing commitments in dealing
with the refugee crisis due to the Syrian civil war and instability in Libya.
While Poland and the Baltic states see Russia as a real threat, other NATO
allies, France, Italy, Greece and Turkey are more concerned with the threats
coming from the Middle east and North Africa.
In 2014 in
response to events in Ukraine, the US announced the European Reassurance Initiative
and NATO agreed the Readiness Action Plan. These involve:
More combined
military exercises
The rotational deployment
of US forces in Poland and the Baltic states, the Black Sea
A greater NATO
presence in the Mediterranean
A very rapid response brigade (part of the NATO
Response Force)
The prepositioning
of NATO military resources and equipment in advanced positions to facilitate a
rapid response to an aggression
Small headquarters
in 6 vulnerable central and eastern European NATO members
2 new tactical
headquarters in Poland and Romania
Breedlove
argues that NATO must continue the fight
against Islamic State but play a supporting role, concentrating on institution
building and education rather than intervention. He argues that the US and NATO
must also continue to work with Russia where possible and where necessary, to
deal with Iran, North Korea and the terrorist threat. However, he is against
the lifting of sanctions on Russia and takes a hard-line position, claiming
that Russia will only respect NATO if it has the means to respond to any
aggressive initiative undertaken by Russia.
NATO missile shield in Europe updates to July 2016 http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/topics_8206.htm https://www.rt.com/news/326398-nato-missile-defense-romania/ https://www.rt.com/news/246709-nato-missile-shield-iran/ http://www.reuters.com/article/us-nato-shield-idUSKCN0Y30JX http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-05-13/poland-to-break-ground-on-missile-shield-site-as-russia-fumes
https://www.rt.com/news/350281-stoltenberg-nato-buildup-russia/
# US defense
chief blasts Europe over NATO guardian.co.uk,
Friday 10 June 2011
Robert Gates blames a failure of political will and defense cuts as he warns that
younger US politicians could abandon the alliance. He delivered a speech
entitled ‘reflections on the status and future of the transatlantic alliance’,
warning that NATO risks 'military irrelevance' unless spending is increased by
members other than the US.
The US defense secretary, Robert Gates, has warned that a new post-cold war
generation of leaders in America could abandon NATO and 60 years of security
guarantees to Europe, exasperated by Europe's failures of political will and
the gaps in defense funding needed to keep the alliance alive.
In a blistering attack on Europe - which he accused of complacency over
international security - Gates predicted a NATO consigned to "military
irrelevance" in a "dim if not dismal" future unless allies
stepped up to the plate.
"If current trends in the decline of European defense capabilities are not
halted and reversed, future US political leaders - those for whom the cold war
was not the formative experience that it was for me - may not consider the
return on America's investment in NATO worth the cost," Gates, a former
CIA chief, warned.
Three weeks before standing down as Pentagon head and retiring from decades at
the heart of the US security establishment, Gates used a 20-minute valedictory
speech in Brussels to read the riot act to a stunned elite audience of European
officers, diplomats, and officials.
NATO had degenerated into a "two-tiered" alliance of those willing to
wage war and those only interested in "talking" and peacekeeping, he
fumed in his bluntest warning to the Europeans in nearly five years as the
Pentagon head.
Washington's waning commitment to European security could spell the death of
the alliance, he said. The speech was laced with exasperation with and contempt
for European defense spending cuts, inefficiencies, and botched planning.
The Libyan mission
was a case in point, Gates said, pointing out that the Anglo-French-led
campaign was running out of munitions just weeks into operations against an
insubstantial foe. The US had again had to come to the rescue of the Europeans
in a campaign on Europe's shores and deemed to be of vital interest to the
Europeans, he complained.
"The mightiest military alliance in history is only 11 weeks into an
operation against a poorly armed regime in a sparsely populated country. Yet
many allies are beginning to run short of munitions, requiring the US, once
more, to make up the difference."
In March, all 28 NATO members had voted for the Libya mission, he said.
"Less than half have participated, and fewer than a third have been
willing to participate in the strike mission … Many of those allies sitting on
the sidelines do so not because they do not want to participate, but simply
because they can't. The military capabilities simply aren't there." The
air campaign had been designed to mount 300 sorties daily but was struggling to
deliver 150, Gates added.
Away from the specifics of the current operations in Libya and Afghanistan,
Gates charged Europe's leaders with lacking the political will to sustain NATO,
complained bitterly about unending defense budget cuts, but conceded that the
reduction in spending was probably irreversible.
The US share of NATO military spending had soared to 75%, much more than during
the cold war heyday when Washington maintained hundreds of thousands of US
troops across Europe, he said. The US public would not stand for this much
longer. Congress would rebel against spending "increasingly precious funds
on behalf of nations apparently willing and eager for American taxpayers to
assume the growing security burden left by reductions in European defense
budgets", he said.
Noting he was 20 years older than Barack Obama, Gates said his peers'
"emotional and historical attachment" to NATO was "ageing
out". "In the past, I've worried openly about NATO turning into a
two-tiered alliance, between members who specialize in 'soft' humanitarian,
development, peacekeeping, and talking tasks, and those conducting the 'hard'
combat missions ... This is no longer a hypothetical worry. We are there today.
And it is unacceptable."
From: http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/jun/10/nato-dismal-future-pentagon-chief
*In fact, at its summit on the 20th and 21st May 2012 in
Chicago NATO concentrated on these issues. Faced with cuts by member states in
military spending it adopted a strategy of ‘smart or intelligent’ defense which
meant better coordination of the human and technical resources of its members
in order to share capabilities and reduce costs. NATO is also trying to
prioritize its core tasks and responsibilities while remaining committed to its
current security and peace-keeping operations. Members are also trying to
reduce the gap in contributions between the US and its European allies. NATO’s
withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan was scheduled for 2014 but members agreed to continue to provide
training and support for local Afghan security forces beyond that date in order
to guarantee the Afghan government’s survival and effectiveness. The Warsaw
summit extended this deadline beyond 2016.
http://www.rferl.org/content/Funding_Squeeze_Casts_A_Pall_Over_NATOs_Future/2067992.html
http://asiansecurityblog.wordpress.com/2011/06/20/natos-biggest-problems-in-the-future-will-be-internal-not-external/
http://www.voanews.com/content/financial-crisis-hits-nato-funding-133906423/148219.html
http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2012-01-29/world/35437915_1_nato-allies-defense-budgets-european-members
http://www.cfr.org/nato/future-nato/p21044?gclid=CNSLjsiS8q0CFcVN3godkB_6tw
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NATO%E2%80%93Russia_relations
http://www.spacedaily.com/reports/NATO_sees_little_progress_in_missile_talks_with_Russia_999.html
http://www.rferl.org/content/nato_no_russia_summit_without_missile_defense_deal/24464286.html
http://www.nato.int/docu/review/2012/2012-security-predictions/gridlocked-world/EN/index.htm
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_START
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_military_expenditures
http://xa.yimg.com/kq/groups/14829242/816016610/name/An-Agenda-for-NATO.pdf
http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/fora91&div=24&g_sent=1&collection=journals#222
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