martedì 8 novembre 2016

Foreign Direct Investments

Summary of the Outcomes of the U.N. Climate Change Conference in Paris Nov-Dec 2015

How should the EU respond to the refugee and migrant challenge?

Description of the scale of the phenomenon. Estimated number of illegal immigrants to the EU so far this year, compared with last year and the recent past.
More than a million migrants and refugees crossed into Europe in 2015, sparking a crisis as countries struggle to cope with the influx, and creating division in the EU over how best to deal with resettling people. The symbolic milestone was passed on 21 December, the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) said, with the total for land and sea reaching more than 1,006,000. The figure covers entries via six European Union nations - Greece, Bulgaria, Italy, Spain, Malta and Cyprus. The vast majority arrived by sea but about 34,000 made their way over land via Turkey.
https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/08/these-4-maps-might-change-how-you-think-about-migration-in-europe/

This compares with 72,437 illegal immigrants to the EU in 2012, 107,365 in 2013 and 283,532 In 2014. However, 1,000,000 represents only 0.2% of the EU’s population of 500 million.

In January and February 2016, over 123,000 migrants landed in Greece, compared to about 4,600 in the same period of 2015. In March, following the closing of the Balkan route by Macedonia and the entry into force of the EU-Turkey deal on 20 March, the number of migrants arriving in Greece dropped to 26,460, less than half the figure recorded in February. Syrians, Afghans and Iraqis continued to account for the largest share of the migrants arriving in Greece. This downward trend continued in April, when only 2,700 migrants arrived in Greece, decreasing by 90% compared to the previous month.
Meanwhile, due to improved weather conditions, the number of mainly African migrants crosing the sea to Italy doubled between February and March, reaching nearly 9,600 in March 2016, compared to 2,283 in March 2015. In April, on the contrary, the number of migrants arriving in Italy (8,370) dropped by 13% compared to the previous month and by 50% compared to the same month in 2015; despite this, Italy exceeded the totals for Greece for the first time since June 2015.On 16 April, a shipwreck of a large boat between Libya and Italy was reported, in which as many as 500 people may have died, in one of the worst disasters since April 2015.
UNHCR says that 315,928 refugees and migrants have arrived by sea so far in 2016 (to October)
So there has been a significant rise in migration towards the EU in recent years, increasing dramatically in the last 2 years. Is this a temporary phenomenon or a more permanent change? The result of turmoil in the Middle East and North Africa or something more fundamental?
Or course we should remember that illegal immigration happens within a wider context of legal immigration and both are important in examining popular reaction inside EU member states. Figures for net legal immigration to the EU from non-EU countries were 748,026 in 2010, 693,660 in 2011, 598,352 in 2012, 539,059 in 2013, suggesting a slight decline over that period. However Frontex estimates that there were 547,335 people illegally present in the EU in 2014. Many of these were from Syria, Eritrea and Afghanistan, with citizens from these countries representing one third of the total.
The EU 28 received about 626,000 applications for political asylum from non-EU citizens in 2014 compared with 431,000 in 2013. This number rose to 942,400 in 2015 (possibly more, 1.3 million, see below).
http://www.pewglobal.org/2016/08/02/number-of-refugees-to-europe-surges-to-record-1-3-million-in-2015/
EU Member States (Austria excluded) granted protection to more than 185,000 asylum seekers in 2014
.
The number of people residing in an EU Member State with citizenship of a non-member country on 1 January 2015 was 19.8 million, representing 3.9 % of the EU-28 population (while the number of people living in the EU-28 who had been born outside of the EU was 34.3 million). In addition, there were 15.3 million persons living in one of the EU Member States on 1 January 2015 with the citizenship of another EU Member State.
In absolute terms, the largest numbers of non-nationals living in the EU Member States on 1 January 2015 were found in Germany (7.5 million persons), the United Kingdom (5.4 million), Italy (5.0 million), Spain (4.5 million) and France (4.4 million). Non-nationals in these five Member States collectively represented 76 % of the total number of non-nationals living in all of the EU Member States, while the same five Member States had a 63 % share of the EU-28’s population.
We also need to bear in mind both the size and degree of effective integration of existing immigrant populations.
Most of the arrivals between January and October 2015 (perhaps more than 60% according to the EU) were asylum-seekers from countries like Syria, Afghanistan and Eritrea torn apart by war, oppression and extremism rather than those simply fleeing poverty.
The number of refugees coming to the EU is, of course, low if compared with the numbers of Syrian refugees arriving in Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan and, poorer countries facing far more serious problems in dealing with the huge numbers involved - Turkey 2.73 million, Lebanon 1.03 million and Jordam 0.66 million.
There are also high levels of South-South migration 8legal and illegal) in many other developing countries.
And we should not confuse migration by non-EU citizens into the EU with fully legal internal EU migration, from one member state to residence in another member state. See again:
Many EU states have residents from other EU states who form a significant and often well-integrated proportion of the total migrant population.
The number of Italian citizens resident in four EU countries, the UK, France, Germany and Spain totals more than a million.
See again:
However, internal EU migration from poorer (e.g. Romania) to richer countries, has already produced serious frictions that may add to tensions between migrants of all kinds and native residents. Xenophobic reactions take various forms. There are accusation that foreigners steal local jobs at a time of recession and obtain welfare payments that they have not contributed to in taxes. Statistically, this seems largely a false impression as foreigners often do jobs that the local population does not want to do and often fail to claim welfare benefits to which they are entitled. However, these concerns about internal EU migration could be dwarfed by non-EU immigration in terms of scale, duration and the social tensions produced if numbers continue to rise at current rates.

What problems is the EU facing as a result of illegal migration?

a) The humanitarian crisis regarding migrants who are trying to get here. Human smuggling (and trafficking), massive human rights violation and the responsibility to respond to this crisis. Deaths at sea and in container ships.
b) The rising numbers are beyond the capacity and funding of existing infrastructure (e.g. reception centres) and personnel (e.g. coast guard, police, frontier and migration authorities, interviewers interpreters etc…) and the procedures to deal with the migrants (identification, interviewing, temporary accommodation, repatriation if not accepted and more permanent relocation, accommodation and integration if accepted.
c) Migrants coming into the EU often cross internal EU borders to move to their preferred destination (often in Northern Europe). This creates tensions between EU member states and has led to growing restrictions by states on free movement within the EU and thus an erosion of the Schengen rules.
d) Countries on front-line EU external borders* e.g. Italy, Greece, Spain, Romania, Bulgaria etc.. have been criticized for not securing their borders by providing effective controls against illegal immigration. This criticism has come from destination countries like Germany, the UK, France, and Scandinavia. These countries, in their turn, are criticized by the countries on the exposed external EU borders for failing to provide adequate economic and material assistance to their partners to help them deal with the problem. For example, Operazione Mare Nostrum in 2013-14, financed at great expense (9 million euros a month for 12 months) and almost exclusively by Italy, was relatively successful compared with the EU Operation Triton (originally called Frontex Plus) and financed at only 3 million euros a month (although a further 13.7 million euros was made available in February 2015). Mare Nostrum operated also in international waters, Triton‘s mission only covers border control and activity within 30 miles off the Italian coast. However, the European Union Naval Force Mediterranean also known as Operation Sophia should make the situation more manageable in international waters.
* obviously in a certain sense all countries with ports and container ports are on the front line.
e) Public opinion in many EU countries. There has been a wave of real sympathy for the plight of the migrants on their journey, outrage at their inhuman exploitation by traffickers and horror at their sometimes gruesome fate. This has been expressed in the generous reaction of governments, NGOs and the public.
At the same time there is a growing concern among EU citizens about the rise in immigrant numbers, increasing opposition to this process, fears about cultural clashes, growing numbers of acts of violence against immigrants and refugee centers and a significant rise in support for xenophobic, or at least more nationalist, political parties. Criticism of the EU itself, which is often blamed and held responsible for the rise in migrant numbers, has also increased, though it is hard to see how leaving the EU would benefit a country in terms of dealing with illegal non-EU immigration.
e.g. in the Brexit vote Lord Ashcroft's mega-poll of 12,369 voters after the referendum found that one third of Leave voters chose to back Brexit as they saw it "offered the best chance for the UK to regain control over immigration and its own borders." This was the second biggest motivation for Leave voters, just behind “the principle that decisions about the UK should be taken in the UK”.
Meanwhile Hungary decided in July 2016 it would hold a referendum in October on whether to comply with the European Union quota system aimed at solving the migrant crisis, setting the stage for a fresh fight over power-sharing in the 28-nation bloc . The Hungarian referendum has worried some in Brussels, who fear that a series of national votes on specific issues could unfasten key planks of EU policy and rules. Senior EU officials have worried that further referendums— above all on a country’s EU membership—could lead to an eventual unraveling of the bloc.
In addition to the June 23 British referendum, Dutch voters also rejected a sweeping EU trade and political agreement with Ukraine in April, potentially forcing the bloc to renegotiate the accord. http://www.wsj.com/articles/hungary-sets-date-for-vote-on-settling-migrants-1467707714 f) With the terrorist attacks in Paris on November 13th 2015 (and further attacks through 2016), there is growing concern that Arab terrorists may manage to get into Europe by pretending to be refugees. There is also concern about border security regarding European citizens who sympathize with IS and go to Syria possibly to train and try to return to Europe to carry out an attack.
g) The reaction of the EU is often criticized as slow and lacking coordination while EU member states are criticized as too preoccupied with their own national interests. The atmosphere at the EU talks to agree and introduce the quota system among members to deal with the ongoing crisis was an example of these problems. So is the debate about whether or not to suspend the Schengen agreement for 2 years.
agreement:
Schengen
h) the EU- Turkey deal on refugees and migrants
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/apr/20/eu-refugee-deal-turkey-condemned-council-of-europe
What are the problems for the future?

a) Beyond the immediate crisis there is the question of whether the scale of the phenomenon is temporary, e.g. due to refugees from the civil war in Syria and the situation in Libya, or part of a growing trend towards movement from non-EU states to the EU based on hopes for greater economic well-being and more security and freedom.
b) The need to quickly and effectively integrate those migrants who are allowed to stay into our society. Many experts argue that many states in the EU with aging populations need migrants as a young and flexible workforce. Others point to the failures in previous integration policies.
c)There is a need to support efforts for pacification and peace-building in the war-torn areas from which the refugees are fleeing. Current efforts (see below) to form a single effective government in Libya and enforce the rule of law by reaching an agreement between all legitimate groups are crucial in any attempt to limit the spread of ISIS and deal with the humanitarian and refugee crisis in Libya at its source.
See also below #
d) There is also a need to provide more funds to UN agencies and NGOs in countries like Syria’s neighbors, Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey, which are trying to deal with the enormous refugee problem.
e) Whatever public resentment there may be about perceived threats to jobs, at a time of recession and unemployment, and the nation’s ‘culture’, immigrant numbers remain a limited proportion of the population. It is only in certain areas with sudden, high immigrant concentrations (Lampedusa) that a community may feel overwhelmed and this calls, above all, for better planning and organization in the redistribution of recently arrived migrants.
f) Although most of the EU economies are either still in recession or growing only slowly, the EU’s population generally is aging and young migrants may play an important and necessary role in the economy if and when the recovery begins.
g) The humanitarian crisis is unlikely to go away soon. So the EU and national governments will have to respond to public concerns about immigration while at the same time honoring their legal and moral obligations to deal with the question by providing better-coordinated, better-funded plans on a long-term basis. So far this has not happened.
h) How to deal with asylum seekers who are successful in their application (where should they reside?) and those who are not. See below § Dealing with asylum seekers
i) The idea and effectiveness of using military force against the human traffickers.
j) The question of whether or not to suspend the Schengen agreement for 2 years.
k) the deal with Turkey and questions about human rights and whether it is legal
and in the light of the crack-down after the attempted coup

Some useful background reading and updates

# Skhirat, Morocco: On the 13 September 2015 the UN special envoy for Libya, Bernardino Leon, announced that there was consensus on most of the main issues for an agreement to form a government of national unity. He hoped to get a deal for national pacification and economic recovery by the deadline of 20 September.
(The rising influence of the Islamic State extremist group and Libya's emergence as a smuggling hub for migrants risking their lives to cross the Mediterranean had added urgency to the long-running and often derailed UN talks.)
A Libyan national unity government was announced by the UN after months of negotiations on October 09th 2015 and The Government of National Accord was formed 17 December 2015
Whether this government is strong enough to achieve real unity, to take back power from military factions and defeat Islamic State remains doubtful.
Naval mission will be operative by early October 2015
(ANSA) - Brussels, September 14, 2015 - The European Union's 28 member States on Monday gave official approval for the launch of "phase two" of the EuNavFor Med naval mission, including the use of force against human traffickers in the Mediterranean if necessary. The proposal was approved 'without debate' by the General Affairs Council. The mission is expected to be operative by early October. The naval mission, launched after calls from Italy for more assistance from the EU in dealing with the migrant emergency, features the active hunting down and arrest of human traffickers and the confiscation or destruction of boats.
See also:
and UN too
UE pronta alla forza contro gli scafisti 14/09/2015
L’Unione Europea ha autorizzato l’uso della forza militare nelle missioni contro gli scafisti nel Mediterraneo: il via libera dovrebbe scattare a inizio ottobre e permetterà alle navi della forza Ue di fermare, perquisire e dirottare le imbarcazioni sospettate di trasportare migranti. I ministri dell’Interno dell’Ue hanno anche raggiunto l’accordo politico per distribuire 160 mila rifugiati in due anni (cifra che comprende le due misure proposte da Bruxelles da maggio ad oggi per distribuire 40 mila e 120 mila persone). Ieri i Ventotto hanno dato il via libera al primo piano di redistribuzione dei profughi, i primi 40 mila richiedenti asilo approdati in Italia e Grecia che andranno negli altri Paesi dell’Unione. La ripartizione per Paesi degli altri 120 mila si concretizzerà nel Consiglio del prossimo 8 ottobre. Il programma approvato riguarderà le persone con chiara necessità di protezione internazionale. I Paesi che partecipano al meccanismo riceveranno 6 mila euro per ciascuna persona ricollocata. Si è raggiunto anche l’accordo sugli hotspot, i centri di identificazione e registrazione. All’Italia si chiede di realizzare sei centri di registrazione, il primo ad essere operativo dovrebbe essere a Lampedusa. Il ministro Alfano ha chiesto che sia l’Unione europea a farsi carico di “svuotare” gli hotspot: «Il rimpatrio non è una responsabilità solo nazionale, ma anche europea», e chiede dunque all’Ue di «farsene carico non solo da un punto di vista economico» ma anche politico: «Ãˆ l’Europa che deve firmare gli accordi di rimpatrio con i Paesi africani».
Controlli alle frontiere
Di fronte all’afflusso massiccio di migranti, si moltiplicano i Paesi che ripristinano controlli temporanei alle frontiere usando la deroga prevista dagli accordi di Schengen: dopo l’annuncio della Germania, è stata la volta di Austria e Slovacchia che hanno deciso di tornare a richiedere i documenti ai valichi di confine. L’Olanda aumenterà i controlli a campione, la Polonia ha preannunciato che li farà e la Francia ha preannunciato che è pronta, se necessario, a ripristinare i controlli con l’Italia. Anche Polonia e Repubblica Ceca hanno annunciato di star valutando le misure da prendere alla frontiera. La Germania - che ieri ha aggiornato le stime dicendo di attendersi nell’anno circa un milione di profughi - intanto ha riaperto il traffico ferroviario con l’Austria e a sua volta quest’ultima ha ripreso a far entrare i migranti dall’Ungheria. La quale ha sua volta completa in queste ore l’ultimo tratto della barriera al confine serbo, mentre la polizia ungherese ha bloccato il principale punto di transito dei migranti.

However, the situation in 2016 remains grim
The mission does not, however, in any meaningful way deter the flow of migrants, disrupt the smugglers’ networks, or impede the business of people smuggling on the central Mediterranean route. The arrests that Operation Sophia has made to date have been of low-level targets, while the destruction of vessels has simply caused the smugglers to shift from using wooden boats to rubber dinghies, which are even more unsafe. There are also significant limits to the intelligence that can be collected about onshore smuggling networks from the high seas. There is therefore little prospect of Operation Sophia overturning the business model of people smuggling.The weakness of the Libyan state has been a key factor underlying the exceptional rate of irregular migration on the central Mediterranean route in recent years. While plans for two further phases would see Operation Sophia acting in Libyan territorial waters and onshore, we are not confident that the new Libyan Government of National Accord will be in a position to work closely with the EU and its Member States any time soon.In other words, however valuable as a search and rescue mission, Operation Sophia does not, and we argue, cannot, deliver its mandate. It responds to symptoms, not causes.”




venerdì 28 ottobre 2016

What is President Obama’s Legacy?

Excellent article:
Some research to do:
What was the ‘legacy’ that Obama inherited from previous administrations? What were the expectations when he was elected at home and abroad? What were his policy objectives? Consider:

1)      Obama as the first African American elected President
2)      the divisions in US society
3)      the US economy, short term and long-term, and global cooperation in this area
4)      reforming the financial and banking sector
5)      the war on terror and the US approach to the Arab world / Israel and the Palestinians
6)      civil liberties, Guantánamo Bay and human rights
7) health care reform
8)     US oreign policy and the Pacific
9)      US foreign policy and Russia
10)  US foreign policy and China
11)  US foreign policy the EU and NATO
12)  climate change

More than seven years later what are the realities regarding these questions? Were these objectives achieved? If not, why not? What are the main criticisms coming from those on the right? And on the left?
What have been the limiting factors and constraints, legal and practical, on Obama?
What are the major achievements and failures of the administration and the man, given all of the above? The Iran nuclear deal / Cuba / climate change etc…

Some ideas

A legacy is something that somebody leaves you in their will (testamento). A special legacy is often something someone leaves you that you did not expect to inherit. So metaphorically for a US President it means, in the short term, the general situation one President leaves to the next, and in the historic sense, a President’s outstanding achievements or failures. So for FDR it usually means the New Deal, victory in World War II and the planning of the UN.

A President’s legacy will also depend on one’s political point of view, on the left or right (particularly now when the spirit and tradition of of bipartisan politics seems dead in the US and opinions are so clearly divided on so many issues) and on whether one is judging as a US citizen or from abroad (and then from which part of the world e.g. Italy or Libya).

So what did newly-elected President Obama inherit from the Bush administration? There was the financial crisis and the effects of the crisis as it spread to the real economy and went global, leading to an economic slowdown and the threat of a world recession. Abroad there was the continuing war against terror and attempts to reduce and eventually end the US military presence in Iraq and Afghanistan in the hope of leaving law and order to the local government and its security forces. There was also the rise of China, the resurgence of Russia (Georgia 2008) and the beginning of the Arab Spring.

How is Obama’s legacy seen in the US? The President had an approval rating of about 51% in March 2016 and 53% in September 2016. The main factor in opinion polls remains the economy. Unemployment was down to 5% in March 2016 (4.9% in August) but many jobs are poorly paid and short-term, and manufacturing is now only 12% to 13% of GDP compared with 19% in1995. Many of those in manufacturing who lost or risk losing their jobs and who may have previously voted for Obama, may now feel abandoned and be planning to support Donald Trump. Many Americans blame Obama for doing too little to contain immigration from Mexico and the rest of Latin America (but recently also from China and India, so that immigration from Asia now equals that from Latin America) and see this as a force driving wages lower, or at least keeping them from rising, and increasing competition for jobs. Some also consider it a cultural threat. New immigrants were 1.7 million in 2015 and immigrants represented 13.3% of the US population. These are both records in recent history.

Economists are divided about whether the recession is really over and about how strong and competitive the US economy is. Obama responded to the economic crisis with a neo-Keynesian intervention, a stimulus package, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act and a new framework to regulate the financial sector, the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act. Critics on the left say these were not enough, and on the right that the latter is too restrictive. The US Public Debt rose from 87% of GDP in 2009 to about 100% in 2012 but now seems fairly stable. It was 104.17% in March 2016 (105.05%September 2016). In 2015 the annual deficit was 2.5% and is forecast to be 3.3% in 2016. GDP growth was 2% in the third quarter of 2015 and 1.4% in the last quarter and same in the second quarter of 2016. The trade deficit remains high, at 2.7% in March 2016 (3% in August), but this is much less than the 4.7% level recorded in 2008. Current interest rates in the US are in the 0.25% to 0.5% range and it is not clear if the Fed will be able to raise them much this year or next year, though it would like to. A recovery in interest rates, stuck at 0.25% from 2008 to December 2015, would be taken as a measure of recovery and normality for the economy in general, hence the concerns about the strength and durability of the current upturn. Assistance programs for subprime mortgage homeowners who lost their jobs and couldn’t pay their mortgages were judged largely ineffective.
The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010 (often referred to as Obamacare) massively reduced the number of Americans without health care insurance. In March 2015, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported that the average number of uninsured during the period from January to September 2014 was 11.4 million fewer than the average in 2010. In April 2016, Gallup reported that the percentage of adults who were uninsured dropped from 18% in the third quarter of 2013 to 11% in the first quarter of 2016. However, critics complain that this is not the European-style universal public health care system many on the left hoped for. Nevertheless, for the President it is one of his proudest achievements, so it represents a significant part of what he regards as his legacy.
Barack Obama was elected with great hopes and expectations as the first US African-American President and the African-American community continues to say that he has opened doors for them. The administration made efforts to improve educational for minorities and the percentage of both African American and Hispanic teenagers completing high school successfully has risen by 4% during his Presidency. Recognition of the need for greater racial equality has gained more support among the public according to a Pew Report of Jan. 2016, but discrimination against African Americans within society and allegedly by some sections of the police remains a challenge. Above all, the difference in average incomes between white Americans and African Americans is higher now than it has been since 1989. So on improving the situation of African Americans President Obama’s record is at best patchy.
The administration was initially a supporter of gay rights but not on all issues, but during his two terms the President gradually moved to stronger and more open support for Supreme Court rulings that made same-sex marriage and the adoption of children by same-sex couples legal nationwide in June 2015. Since September 2011, gays, lesbians, and bisexuals have been able to serve openly in the US military. The President announced his own change of position on same-sex marriage in an interview in May 2012.

The 2009 Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to President Barack Obama for his “extraordinary efforts to strengthen international diplomacy and cooperation between people”. This was obviously more of a hope for the future than a real response to the short period he had been in office, but generally Obama’s foreign policy can, indeed, be credited with trying to open and build a dialogue with traditional US enemies and to strengthen global cooperation to deal with global challenges. This was a shift from the post-9/11 confrontational style of the Bush administration and the ‘rogue states’ view of the world. Obama sought and generally achieved an international response to the global economic crisis based on a loosely coordinated strategy. He maintained the dialogue with China but the relationship with the Russian Federation proved more problematic with confrontation and sanctions over Ukraine and disagreement over Syria. One of the main initiatives taken by the Obama administration has been the ‘pivot’ (or rebalancing ) towards the Asia- Pacific area, a shift of focus and resources away from Europe, considered secure, and any further commitments in the Middle East (from which the US wanted to withdraw) to the Far East in support of China’s neighbors now beginning to feel threatened by China’s expansionism in the South China Sea and North Korea’s increasingly erratic and aggressive rhetoric and behavior. The US pushed for its European NATO allies to take more responsibility in relations with Russia and their neighbors in the Arab world. In the Libyan operation the Europeans led with US logistical support (leading from behind). This led to the fall of the Gaddafi regime but no effective strategy for a follow-up operation to stabilize the country. Obama himself recently recognized this as one of his administrations major errors. The desire for change and some alternative to military intervention in the Muslim world was clearly stated early on, in Obama’s Cairo University speech in 2009, calling for a new relationship with the Arab world. However, the lack of any real progress on negotiations between Israel and Palestinians was indicative of the administrations inability to put its intentions into action. The killing of Osama bin Laden in 2011 should have symbolized the end of the old confrontation with the Muslim world, and before this the cautious US support for the growing demonstrations and protests of the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt and across the Arab world may have simply represented an optimistic desire to believe that after the democratic changes in Latin America and Eastern Europe it was finally the turn of the Arab world. As the Arab Spring turned to Winter the US was forced to take a more realistic approach, accepting the overthrow of the democratically elected but Islamist government in Cairo by the Egyptian army in 2013 and drawing a red line on the use of chemical weapons by the Assad regime in the Syrian civil war (but then backing down from action when the line was crossed). In responding to this civil war the US seemed both hesitant and unclear about what strategy it wanted to follow. The US first backed the rebels against the Syrian government with aid and money but refused to supply heavy arms fearing this might lead to a direct commitment of its forces. This strategy proved ineffective. Later, with the rise of Islamic State in both Syria and Iraq, it began bombing missions against IS. The involvement of Saudi Arabia, Iran, Hezbollah, Turkey and Russia in support of different groups showed just how far the world has moved away from a unipolar to a multipolar order. Critics of Obama, at home and abroad, have stressed the uncertainty, reluctance and passiveness of the administration in responding to events in the Arab world.
Meanwhile there has been much criticism from human rights NGOs about the administration’s increasingly extensive use of drone warfare to target IS and Taliban fighters and terrorists. These attacks involve no trial and due process and often lead to the death of innocent civilians. The radical left has denounced this as state-sponsored terrorism. Similarly the extensive spying system used by the US and its allies in fighting terrorism has been seen as a breach of privacy and basic civil rights by civil rights groups in the US and other countries. The administration has been forced to abandon some forms of surveillance as a result of losing cases in the courts to civil rights groups. Nevertheless, the NSA continues to exercise powers arguably not under real democratic control and to insist that this is necessary to ensure security and counter and prevent terrorism. The Manning case (2010) and Snowden case (2013) were presented by the administration as threats to security requiring harsh punishment, and by critics as a necessary exposure of human rights abuse and the extent of the government’s use of both legal and illegal surveillance programs both at home and abroad. All of this has seriously damaged Obama’s liberal credentials. Obama was also elected with the pledge to close down the US detention centre for suspect terrorists in Guantánamo Bay. However, for legal and practical reasons this has so far proved impossible and Obama has preferred to slowly reduce the number of detainees.

Any assessment of the Obama administration’s record needs to take into account the legal restraints that the Constitution imposes on the office of the Presidency and the practical constraints imposed by a hostile Republican Congress and limited resources. The extensive use made by Obama of Executive Orders in his second term (for example, the recent 2016 Executive Order to reduce gun violence) shows both the practical limits on his choices given the Republican hold on Congress and his determination to get things done.

Two key achievements of his legacy may be the nuclear deal with Iran and the restoration of diplomatic relations with Cuba. These are both products of Obama’s willingness to engage with old enemies, maintain a dialogue and commit to negotiating a deal. Whether these deals lead to lasting settlements will depend on the other party's reliability and on who wins the White House and Congressional elections in November. So they will certainly be part of his immediate legacy.

Another of Obama’s achievements has been moving the US forward on climate change and getting to the first-ever universal, legally binding global agreement at the COP21 in Paris in Dec. 2015, a commitment that also includes China to keep the rise in global average temperatures to well below 2% compared with pre-industrial levels. The deal does not include sanctions and would need to be ratified by the US Senate at some point to become law. So US participation will again probably ultimately depend on who wins the White House and Congressional elections.

In terms of personality Obama has been praised for his ability to dialogue and engage with the public and the calm diplomatic skills he demonstrates when speaking in public. However, he has also been criticized for his failure to charm, persuade (flatter, threaten, blackmail!) in order to influence members of Congress (and build consensus) that were a feature of the Presidential skills of Lyndon Johnson and Ronald Reagan. Thus, some see him as engaging but slightly diffident, though not as distant and academic as Woodrow Wilson.

Many commentator, in summing up, have stressed the gaps in Obama’s performance between good intentions and reality. This may simply be the nature of politics given the constraints that he has to live with and operate under, a hostile Congress and a multipolar world order in which the US remains the key player but no longer the only major player. Moreover, if a week in politics is a long time and given that Barack Obama has another three months as President, it may be a little early to be summing things up and talking about his legacy. We may need to wait until we are a couple of years into his successor's Presidency to understand what impact he has made.